essay about freedom of media in the philippines

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Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism

State of Media Freedom in the Philippines 2024

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This report was presented during the “1st Philippine Media Safety Summit: Surviving Pandemics and Other Provocations by Challenging Current Paradigms” on May 2 at the Luxent Hotel in Quezon City in observance of the 31 st World Press Freedom Day.

IT HAS become a tradition for the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR) to present its findings on the state of media freedom in collaboration with other organizations. For some eight years now, it has undertaken this exercise with co-founders of the Freedom for Media, Freedom for All (FMFA) network which includes the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ), the Philippine Press Institute (PPI), MindaNews, and the National Union of Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP). 

All those letters may be just a bowl of alphabet soup for many members of the media. But these acronyms are an expression of solidarity among journalists which stands out in Asia where few countries have been able to demonstrate the capacity to confront and counter the perils they face as a community. It stands on the principle that an attack on one is an attack on all. We know how often some media groups are tempted to go it alone, holding back from joint action and thus unable to put up a stronger defense of their freedom and autonomy. 

The FMFA has been holding a World Press Freedom program focused on the data collected and analyzed by CMFR Alerts staff. CMFR corroborates its data with reports filed by the NUJP. 

CMFR started to review cases reported in the news and write up case studies on journalist killings in 1992. We have since added another database to track other attacks and threats that do not involve killings but are just as chilling on the freedom and autonomy of the press.

Why is this important? 

As in any battle, effective defense requires knowing the reality, the landscape, and the terrain of journalism and news. Knowing the sources of threat and attack and understanding the means of perpetration is half the battle. We must know what is going on, share the knowledge about it and the nuances and changes through different periods, studying the cases that indicate the quality of press freedom under different administrations. The process exposes the outlook of public officials and those in power, especially the conduct of law enforcement agents. 

These developments must be tracked and reported so everyone knows how their effects can be mitigated and what we as a community can do to encourage a societal or all-of-nation approach. 

Despite the change in style and outlook of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the current president has yet to act on his words upholding the place of the press as a pillar of democracy.  melinda quintos de jesus, center for media freedom and responsibility

The cases however can be an inert resource if all we do is present them as a ritual involving little action. Lately, our efforts have been focused on spreading the word, understanding how the dangers can be rooted in the mindset or outlook of those in power, of those assigned to police and other law enforcement agencies – who may tend to regard the work of the press as inimical to their work. 

The writing of this report involved a quick recall of President Rodrigo Duterte’s treatment of the press, his response to even a simple question about his health, and the crude insult to the journalist who dared. The deployment of social influencers, of troll armies to demonize mainstream press succeeded in promoting the disinformation through social media bloggers and vloggers, who turned the public against the newspapers, TV, and online news, which produced news and information through a process of verification. Up to now, we have yet to know the extent of harm Duterte has inflicted on the press and its freedom in the Philippines. 

Unfortunately, despite the change in style and outlook of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr., the current president has yet to act on his words upholding the place of the press as a pillar of democracy. 

The change in style in the presidency of Marcos Jr. has been welcomed by so many groups and sectors. It is important however to measure how much he has done, and what action he has taken to dismantle the apparatus to establish the free press as an “enemy of the state” just because it is critical of the government. 

So far there has been no dramatic change in actual conduct. The offensive operations remain; the official mechanisms are as they were, and the proper decorum and conduct of President Marcos can be a distraction, making us feel and believe that we are not as vulnerable under his watch. 

So let us examine the data: 

Attacks and threats against media workers

CMFR and NUJP recorded around 135 incidents of attacks and threats against media workers from 1 July 2022 to 30 April 2024. This number exceeds the number of attacks and threats in the first 22 months of Duterte’s term.

During the period, there were 75 cases of intimidation. These include 45 cases of red-tagging and 19 cases of surveillance. Eight journalists were charged with libel and cyber libel. In addition, four of the five arrests recorded during the period were for past cyber libel charges.

There were three killings during the period: Rey Blanco on 18 September 2022, Percy Lapid on 3 October 2022, and Cresencio Bundoquin on 30 May 2023. Lapid was a highly popular broadcaster who criticized Duterte, Marcos, and government actions. His killing was given prominence with each action taken by the Department of Justice reported by the media. Lapid’s killing involved a procedure closely similar to a plot of a local film, which presented the temporary release of convicts so they could do the job to return to prison after, with proper incentives or compensation. In Lapid’s case, convicts planned the killing inside the prison, outsourcing the gunman and his cohorts to carry out the crime. The entire scheme involved the complicity of prison officials. The police investigation identified a ranking official as the alleged mastermind, who remains at large as of press time.

Metro Manila had the highest number of incidents at 82; followed by Eastern Visayas, 16. Unfortunately, CMFR could not determine whether these numbers may have to do with the press in Metro Manila being more critical in its coverage of government. Tame and tepid reporting does not provoke attack or threat. Who needs to get their hands dirty eliminating a silent watchdog?  A critical press on the other hand would be endangered and may be subjected to all kinds of actions against life or livelihood. 

State agents as perpetrators

Of the 135 cases, 50 cases or 37 percent were allegedly perpetrated by state agents: 32 from state forces which include the military, police, and the NTF-ELCAC; nine from the National Government; eight from the local government; and one from a foreign government. 

This development should be noted as a focal point; actions of state agents must be taken as deeply disturbing and deserve focused strategic action, campaign, or advocacy.

Evaluation of press performance 

The state of the press, its safety and security should involve a review of press performance. Let us say at this point that coverage leaves much to be desired, although there are exceptions. It has not helped that public officials seem reluctant to be subjected to hard and tough questions. The Palace has been careful about choosing only members of the media who will not ask hard and tough questions to interview President Marcos. Unfortunately, perhaps, hoping for such access, the media have shown themselves generally compliant in covering policies and issues. 

Most reports are based on what the government has to say or initiated by the government, rather than set by an independent editorial agenda. The conduct of the Marcos government has not changed from Duterte’s time in that it has not been opened up and increased access to critical journalists. 

CMFR in its last report in 2023 at the FMFA World Press Freedom Day program in partnership with the University of the Philippines College of Mass Communication provided a matrix of the decrease in time and space given to news. The situation has not improved much.  

CNN Philippines closed down in January 2024, taking away a huge percentage of news and current affairs programming in free TV.

We are aware that the diminution of news space and time is also a global experience, given the continuing domination of social media as a source of news. This should offer little consolation. In a democracy that has held up press freedom since 1986, the shrinkage of news in media further weakens the state of public education. News has always been and should always remain one of the ways by which society continues to learn. 

Less news diminishes the vigor of our public forum and the quality of our public exchange. 

Media and human rights

Let me focus briefly on the issue of human rights.

We should note the organic connection between democracy and human rights and media and human rights. The state of human rights in a country is usually indicated in the news about these violations. But the reporting of human rights violations, involving activists or journalists are often reported only as ordinary crime, without the framework of understanding the place of human rights in society. 

Journalists must be sensitive to this need, that media can do much to promote citizen awareness of their human rights and how perhaps the legal community can assist in their defense against illegal police actions. 

CMFR has noted how media reports on unlawful arrests and detention do not refer to these as human rights violations, as perhaps, reporters are not informed enough about due process and legal requirements that must be observed in the enforcement of the law. 

Reporting on human rights requires more training and education for journalists. Producing human rights stories should be a goal, including the training required so that newsrooms can include these stories as an integral part of the news agenda.

CMFR recommends more human rights reporting on the part of the press. But it is also aware of the dangers of human rights reporting when dealing with public officials who believe that critical reports identify journalists among the enemies of the state. 

The condition makes it imperative for journalists to regain the public they have lost. We must work to connect with the people we claim to serve. Press freedom after all is not a value that only journalists can enjoy. Press freedom is designed to create a society where citizens are continually educated, learning what they must know, helping them develop the judgment to choose good leaders, and committed to democratic development so citizens can exercise their rights without fear. 

Public support for the press provide the best defense for press freedom. If people believe in the value of good journalism, they will hold accountable those who attack and threaten journalists.

Providing journalism as a public service is not going to be easy. Newsrooms may have to re-think the old ways and explore new approaches to engaging the people again. If news has lost its value and journalists their primacy as gatekeepers, it is time to review the situation and find ways of restoring these values.

This may involve creating new news models so you can connect with the new ways that people live their lives. 

In the end, we have no choice but to engage in a collective assessment of how we may have contributed to the loss of public confidence in the service we provided. 

We have no other option but to reclaim their confidence, earn it, win back the public, and innovate so we can engage their attention. For without the people’s engagement and their support, the journalism we produce would be pointless. 

Thank you very much for your attention. 

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Why does press freedom matter? Rappler journalists, community answer

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This is AI generated summarization, which may have errors. For context, always refer to the full article.

Why does press freedom matter?

This year’s #WorldPressFreedomDay, held every May 3, took the theme “Information as a Public Good.” It was an affirmation of the importance of information in the age of disinformation and within a damaged information ecosystem.  (READ: 6 things you can do to support press freedom in the Philippines )

In the Philippines, press freedom has suffered more during the coronavirus pandemic. The country dropped two places this year in the Reporters Without Borders’ (RSF) World Press Freedom Index, now ranking 138th out of 180 countries.

RSF cited the continued attacks of the administration on the media and the government-backed shutdown of the country’s largest broadcaster, ABS-CBN. On top of this, RSF also cited the online harassment and red-tagging of journalists and perceived enemies of the Duterte administration.

For journalists, the commemoration of World Press Freedom Day is a call to remember why journalism must persist despite the growing risks and dangers of the profession.

This year, Rappler CEO Maria Ressa was awarded the 2021 UNESCO Guillermo Cano Press Freedom Laureate for her “unerring fight for freedom of expression.”

What press freedom means

To remember the important work journalists do to uphold democracy, several Rappler multimedia reporters, Rappler+ members, and Movers shared their insights on why they believe in press freedom. 

Having covered security and crime, multimedia reporter Rambo Talabong shared the harrowing realities faced by targets of the administration.

“Of the hundreds [of stories] published with my name, most of them carry the words ‘killed,’ ‘shot down,’ ‘gunned down,’ and ‘fought back,’” said Talabong.

Now covering the House of Representatives and local governments, Talabong said journalism must document the stories of today to help communities remember and learn from these occurrences.

“We are not here to tell stories to save, but to tell stories to remember. We tell them so that we do not forget that the killings, the injustice, the corruption, and the impunity continue. And that they should not. We hope they do not,” he added.

With attacks and harassment being done to silence media who are critical of the administration, Rappler journalist Mara Cepeda said that this worst time is also the best time to be a journalist.

“It doesn’t get any easier really. But in the face of authoritarian regimes out to silent us, we journalists must push on – to hold our leaders accountable and to make space for the voices that should be heard,” Cepeda said. 

Support for independent media

The celebration of world press freedom also came as a reminder to government institutions around the world to uphold their commitment to ensure a free press in their respective countries. 

Rappler+ member and Project Coordinator of Foundation for Media Alternatives Bernice Soriano said that it was important and crucial for Filipinos to support independent media so journalists are free to report on what is happening even if it criticizes the government or other institutions.

“This is crucial because it promotes an informed citizenry by providing access to information to everyone. Also being critical is not antagonization- it actually paves the way for improvement and progress, by learning from mistakes,” Soriano said.

“Press freedom is needed for democracy, as it is one of its pillars. Without this the citizens will not be informed on actual happenings and events, whether good or bad, and cannot make informed, independent choices,” she added.

Another Rappler+ member Jojo Geronimo echoed this, citing how the media should also defend itself to remain independent and vigilant in the face of attacks and harassment. 

“In this ‘alternative reality’ falsehood passes as truth; and exaggeration and half-truths coalesce in a network of coordinated disinformation. The state can use this weapon, but corporations, as ‘persons’ can claim individual rights,” Geronimo added.

How can data journalism drive action?

Standing firm with the truth

As disinformation continues to spread online, Rappler Mover Jam Marciano emphasized how the fight for press freedom was not only a fight for journalists, but also for every Filipino.

“As journalists, it is our right to report stories and make the government accountable. This is not just about writing and reporting, but our job is to help in solving the social injustices we are facing….Don’t be afraid to speak up. Use your voice because it is your right. Let’s continue fighting for press freedom,” Marciano said. 

Another Mover, French Bandong talked of the need to stand firm when writing stories.

As a campus journalist, he narrated his experience back when he was in seventh grade when he was called out in front of the whole school because he wrote an opinion piece confronting school issues.

“That day, I realized I had a voice – a voice that opts to speak and insists to be heard,” he said. 

As he looked back into that incident, he added this: “Dear 13 year-old me, that was traumatic but I am so proud of you for being so brave. Now, we see the importance of campus journalists in shedding greater light on marginal voice, especially in times of injustice and impunity.” 

Rappler has a line-up of activities for the entire month of May to commemorate the importance of press freedom. This includes sessions of MovePH’s fact-checking webinar series on May 21 and a special session on May 28. To know more about this, follow MovePH on Facebook . – Rappler.com 

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State of Media Freedom in the Philippines 2024

Published by the Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR) and prepared together with co-founders of the Freedom for Media, Freedom for All network, the report starts with a warning: the scale of the damage done to press freedom in the Philippines under President Rodrigo Duterte has yet to be known. From July 1, 2022, to April 30, 2024, 135 attacks and threats against journalists have been documented; 45 of those cases are instances of “red-tagging,” and 19 are cases of unlawful surveillance. Alarmingly, 37% of all the cases recorded allegedly bear links to government agents. Eight journalists received charges of libel and “cyber libel.” Three reporters – Rey Blanco, Percy Lapid, and Cresencio Bundoquin – have been killed during that time. Calling for more media to cover human rights issues, the CMFR stresses, “Press freedom is designed to create a society where citizens are continually educated, learning what they must know, helping them develop the judgment to choose good leaders, and committed to democratic development so citizens can exercise their rights without fear.”

Center for Media Freedom and Responsibility (CMFR). “State of Media Freedom in the Philippines 2024.” Posted May 3, 2024. https://cmfr-phil.org/in-context/state-of-media-freedom-in-the-philippines-2024/   

11 questions on press freedom under Duterte

Ending impunity entails collective action and the resolve to change the oppressive social system that engenders culture of impunity. We’re definitely not there yet but there are efforts to do so. There is no clear timeline as to when this can be achieved as it depends largely on the victory of the people’s movement, not just the journalists and news media organizations acting as a small sector.

By DANILO ARAO Bulatlat.com

A graduate student from a university in Canada interviewed me via email on the state of the press in the Philippines in general and the media situation amid the COVID-19 pandemic in particular. Bulatlat deems it appropriate to share my answers to a bigger audience.

1. When I learned about the threat of ABS-CBN being shutdown, it sadly reminded me of the similar situation faced by newspapers during the night martial was declared. What is different now?

As regards the problem being faced by ABS-CBN, the comparison to what happened in the Philippines from 1972 to 1986 is understandable. There is, after all, historical evidence of media repression during the time of Martial Law. It was also during that time that Marcos took from the Lopezes ABS-CBN and gave it to Benedicto, a known Marcos crony. It must be emphasized, however, that media repression continued in various forms even after the ouster of Marcos in 1986. What makes things different under the Duterte administration is the brazen manner in which some news media organizations and journalists are being harassed and intimidated (or even killed). There is no formal declaration of Martial Law but the manifestations of authoritarian rule are already there. In other words, the only thing different now is de facto Martial Law.

2. What does it say of the health of civil liberties in the Philippines?

Political and civil rights are definitely in dire straits in the Philippines. While there are constitutional guarantees and legal bases for the protection of human rights, these are largely ignored by the police and military and their agents (e.g., para-military groups, armed vigilantes). In fact, laws are being weaponized to harass and intimidate not just journalists and activists but even ordinary citizens who dare voice out their opposition.

3. Your paper titled “Press Freedom, Governance, and Culture of Impunity: The Alarming Case of the Philippines” (2016) explains that “While the culture of impunity promotes a sense of deceptive normalcy […], the culture of resistance seeks to expose the oppressive reality in society (mainly characterized by highlighting the cases of harassment and intimidation experienced by members of the mass media and the mass movement.” You also stated that journalists and activists stand in the middle of the two cultures and that it is imperative that the culture of resistance win over the culture of impunity: Are we there yet?

4. Is the whole concept of freedom of the press still relevant in the Philippines today?

It remains relevant as long as people fight for genuine democracy. The latter cannot function effectively without press freedom as a cornerstone. This explains why the fight to defend press freedom rests on the citizens in general, not just the journalists and media workers in particular.

5. What types of pressure could force the government to back-down?

Based on experience, public pressure forces government officials to either put on hold or stand down on whatever anti-people or anti-press freedom policies they may have. Public pressure is a combination of sustained mass action and continuous media coverage. It also helps that there are public figures or celebrities supporting such causes, as in the case of the campaign for the renewal of franchise of ABS-CBN. We started with just a few people when we initiated the Black Friday protest, but it swelled to the thousands a few weeks after.

6. What does the situation of ABS-CBN mean for journalists and their practices?

If its franchise is not renewed, it sends a chilling effect on journalists and news media organizations. They might be next, especially considering that ABS-CBN is a leading news media organization. Having this in the minds of owners, gatekeepers and journalists/media workers could affect media content, resulting in a more docile and servile press.

7. Has the mission of journalist’s as watchdogs of democracy changed since the election of President Rodrigo Duterte in 2016?

There is no qualitative change in the journalists’ role as watchdogs of society, especially if we refer to the normative standards of the profession. While we accept that there are media groups like the National Press Club (NPC) and news media organizations like The Manila Times that largely support the Duterte administration, there are responsible journalists who remain critical and adversarial, albeit in varying degrees and consistency.

8. Would you say that journalists have become enemies of the Duterte administration?

In a sense, the Duterte administration perceives journalists as enemies because, as in past administrations, the powers-that-be only equate “objectivity” with favorable or positive coverage. They refuse to understand the adversarial role of the press and what it means for media to be the so-called fourth estate.

9. Is the Duterte administration trying to take control of the medias’ narrative?

It tries to control the narrative by suppressing media and churning out pro-government propaganda in various government-owned and controlled media (e.g., PNA, PTV) and through the army of trolls (both DDS and BBM).

10. Would you say that good quality investigative journalism is losing ground over fake news and death threats?

Even before “fake news” has become a buzz word (e.g., US elections in 2016 and Colllins Dictionary making it word of the year in 2017), investigative journalism has been on the decline in the dominant media mainly because of owners preferring a more commercialized form that focuses on sensationalism, trivia and gossip. The political economy of dominant media ownership makes it hard for the more responsible journalists to venture into investigative journalism that could rock the boat, so to speak. Despite having limited resources, however, alternative news media organizations strive to provide in-depth and investigative stories on relevant issues often ignored by the dominant media. From what I know, the Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism (PCIJ) and Vera Files continue to do an excellent job releasing investigative reports every now and then but these are seldom picked up by the dominant media.

11. How can journalists fulfill their duty, their mission of being the watchdogs of the government while being threatened, targeted by the power in place?

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