history coursework 2021

Open Yale Courses

You are here.

The Department of History is home to one of the most popular majors on the Yale campus and encompasses the histories of Africa, Asia, Europe, the Middle East, and North and South America. Courses range in focus from the earliest recorded historical periods up through the modern day. Students are required to study history from a variety of geographical, chronological, and methodological perspectives, utilizing source materials wherever possible. The department also houses the History of Medicine and Science major. Learn more at http://www.yale.edu/history

Programmes & Qualifications

Cambridge igcse history (0470).

• Syllabus overview

Cambridge IGCSE History looks at some of the major international issues of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and covers the history of particular regions and events in more depth.

The syllabus:

• enables learners to develop historical knowledge and the skills required for studying historical evidence
• gives flexibility for teachers to develop a course that interests and stimulates their learners
• provides a sound basis for further study and encourages a lifelong interest in the subject.

Coursework and non-coursework options are available.

The syllabus year refers to the year in which the examination will be taken.

• -->2023 Syllabus update (PDF, 156KB)
• -->2024 - 2026 Syllabus update (PDF, 143KB)

Syllabus support

• -->Support for History (PDF, 851KB)
• -->2023 - 2026 Grade descriptions (PDF, 118KB)

Syllabus updates

We have updated Cambridge IGCSE History to make sure that the content reflects the interests of our schools. Some content has been amended and introduced to improve the international focus and some content has been removed. The assessment has been refreshed to make it clearer and more accessible for both teachers and learners.

The 2023 syllabus (previously for 2023-2025) is now for examination in 2023 only. The updated syllabus is for examination from March 2024 onwards.

We communicated this to schools in March 2022.

For full details of the changes, please see the 2024-2026 syllabus above.

Visit the School Support Hub for a wide range of teaching and learning resources to support this syllabus.

To book a place on any of our face-to-face or online training courses, visit our Events and training calendar .

Endorsed resources

Rely on author Ben Walsh's bestselling approach to navigate through the syllabus content and help students acquire the skills they need.

Read more on the Hodder Education website

Encourage your students’ curiosity for the past with our new series. Includes source analysis guidance, revision tips, essay-writing support and more alongside five depth studies, including WW1 and WW2.

Read more on the Cambridge University Press website

Important notices

Please note that if you make an entry for the A*-G grading scale, it is not then possible to switch to the 9-1 grading scale once the entries deadline has passed. If you find that you have accidentally made an entry for the A*-G syllabus, you must withdraw and re-enter before the entries deadline.

School Support Hub

Teachers at registered Cambridge schools can unlock over 30 000 teaching and learning resources to help plan and deliver Cambridge programmes and qualifications, including Schemes of work, Example candidate responses, Past papers, Specimen paper answers, as well as digital and multimedia resources.

Schemes of work

Example responses, past papers, specimen paper answers.

Register your interest in becoming a Cambridge School

Stay up to date

Sign up for updates about changes to the syllabuses you teach

• Past papers, examiner reports and specimen papers
• Published resources

• Past Papers
• National Qualifications  >  Subjects  >  History  >  National 5  > National 5 History

National 5 History

Updates and announcements, updated course specifications for session 2024-25 onwards (07/06/24).

As part of our ongoing review and maintenance of National Courses, we’ve updated some of the terminology that appears in the National 4, National 5, Higher and Advanced Higher History course specifications.

For example, in the Higher History course specification, British History part C, we’ve changed the name of the section ‘the Atlantic Slave Trade’ to ‘the trade in enslaved African people.’

We’re making these changes in line with the Scottish Government’s priority of decolonising the curriculum, and as part of our work as members of the Anti-Racism in Education: Curriculum Reform Subgroup.

The updated course specifications are dated May 2024 and are valid from session 2024-25 onwards. We've updated the Gaelic medium course specification to reflect these changes, and we’ll update the other Gaelic medium versions in due course.

View our online news article – update on National Courses for session 2024-25 onwards (13 March 2024).

Alternative certification model

Essential information, course specification ( 29/05/2024 ).

Explains the structure of the course, including its purpose and aims and information on the skills, knowledge and understanding that will be developed.

Session 2024-25 onwards

• National 5 History course specification May 2024

Session 2023-24

• National 5 History course specification August 2021
• National 5 History course specification (Gaelic translation)  January 2021

Past Papers and Marking Instructions

Access all past papers by subject/level

Additional question papers resources

Illustrates the standard, structure and requirements of the question papers candidates will sit (includes marking instructions).

There were no exams in 2021. The 2020-21 question paper resources are, for most subjects, modified papers which reflect the modifications put in place for session 2020-21

• National 5 History question paper (405 KB)
• National 5 History marking instructions (1.09 MB)
• History Specimen Question Paper National 5 October 2022

This section provides information on marking instructions and/or the coursework assessment task(s). It includes information that centres need to administer coursework and must be read in conjunction with the course specification.

• History Coursework assessment task for National 5 July 2019
• History Coursework assessment task for National 5 (Gaelic Translation) November 2019
• History Assignment Resource Sheet for Printing (Gaelic Medium) January 2018
• History Assignment Resource Sheet (Gaelic Medium) January 2018
• History Assignment Resource Sheet October 2017
• History Assignment Resource Sheet for Printing October 2017
• Guidance on conditions of assessment

Information on the production and submission of SQA-assessed coursework for National 5, Higher and Advanced Higher.

• Coursework for External Assessment (261 KB)

Understanding Standards ( 14/12/2023 )

• Examples of candidate evidence with commentaries

Course assessment overview

Webinar (recording 1 december 2021): question paper from session 2021-2022.

• Download webinar
• Webinar Q&A (138 KB)
• Webinar Reference Library (8.67 MB) 

Overview of Course Assessment Presentation with audio  (18 minutes)

Changes to understanding standards materials

• Changes to published Understanding Standards materials for all subjects

Please note: Understanding Standards materials are regularly reviewed to ensure they remain up to date.

Additional Resources session 2020-22

Please note: Additional resources published during sessions 2020-2022 are currently under review. Further information can be found on the Understanding Standards Website .

Course reports ( 14/09/2023 )

Provides information on the performance of candidates - which is useful to teachers, lecturers and assessors in their preparation of candidates for future assessment.

Course Reports

• 2023 National 5 History Course Report   September 2023
• 2022 National 5 History Course Report September 2022
• 2019 National 5 History Course Report October 2019

Ushare open learning resources

Where can you take this course?

Centre Finder

Helper-buttons.

Along with Stanford news and stories, show me:

• Student information
• Faculty/Staff information

We want to provide announcements, events, leadership messages and resources that are relevant to you. Your selection is stored in a browser cookie which you can remove at any time using “Clear all personalization” below.

Between the Jan. 6 attacks on the U.S Capitol, the withdrawal of American and NATO forces from Afghanistan, escalating anti-Asian violence across the country, not to mention an unrelenting global pandemic, it could be said that events of the past year are “one for the history books.”

How historians view events that defined 2021 and the present period was the topic of the fall quarter humanities course, History of 2021 . Every week, nearly 140 Stanford students gathered to hear a different faculty member from the History Department relate a current affairs issue to their area of historical expertise.

“We hear a lot about living in unprecedented times. Studying history can help nuance these claims and challenge assumptions of contemporary exceptionalism,” said Fiona Griffiths , a professor of history in the School of Humanities and Sciences and the course’s faculty coordinator. “A historic perspective can enable or enhance critical attention to contemporary events – much of what we saw happen in the news this past year built on long-standing power dynamics, whether domestic or international, that are not always self-evident.”

Griffiths and her colleagues developed the course as a place for Stanford students to reflect on the upheavals of the past few years and to consider what set of historic circumstances stand behind them.

For example, Jonathan Gienapp showed how resistance to Electoral College reform has often been rooted in race rather than discrepancy in the size of states, and Gordon Chang explained how the current surge of anti-Asian violence in America is a long-standing pattern that goes back to the mid-19th century, when immigration from China to the U.S. began increasing.

Some lectures focused on grave humanitarian concerns, such as the detention of Uyghur Muslims in China or the difficult migration of low-wage workers across India. Other faculty showed students ways in which previous disease outbreaks – like the Black Death in Renaissance Italy and yellow fever in antebellum New Orleans – can inform our own understanding of the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.

“Every single lecture in History of 2021 had an ‘aha!’ moment where, all of a sudden, a completely new vista and understanding of our present was opened for us through the speaker’s careful explication of the past,” Griffiths said.

Stanford News Service spoke to each of the faculty members involved in the teaching of the course and asked them to describe, in their own words, what a historical perspective can bring to bear on our understanding of present-day conflicts and challenges.

Jonathan Gienapp ’s lecture, titled “Electing the U.S. President: The Electoral College,” focused on the origins of the Electoral College and attempts to reform it.

Tom Mullaney delivered a lecture titled “China’s Border Crises: Xinjiang, Hong Kong, Taiwan and the Legacies of Empire” that focused on a pair of crises unfolding in China: protests in Hong Kong and the internment of Uyghur Muslims in northwest China.

“Democracy is predicated on public debate, and that debate should ultimately turn on the merits of the question, not historical myths. ” – JONATHAN GIENAPP, ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF HISTORY

James Campbell ’s lecture, “Monumental Questions,” sought to provide some historical context for understanding the current controversy over Civil War monuments.

Gordon Chang delivered a lecture titled “Anti-Asian Violence in America” that examined the long history of anti-Asian hate crime in the United States.

“ But if we look at this history, we can have a better appreciation of what people have gone through … including the long history of suffering, but also contributions of Asians to the country; I think people will have a different view of those living in the present.” – GORDON CHANG, PROFESSOR OF HISTORY

Partha Shil delivered a lecture titled “Laboring Lives and the Pandemic in South Asia, c. 2020-21” about the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Indian working classes and the urban poor over the last two years.

Robert crews gave a lecture titled “the year the afghan war ended” that used history to show how despite the u.s. withdrawal of troops from afghanistan in august 2021, conflict in the country is far from over..

“It’s easy to think of Afghanistan as a place that’s far from us, alien and wholly different. It’s hard to think about the ways in which we have a shared legacy, but it’s a place that has been very much part of our past. Thinking about the war is so important because we have had so many Americans who have made enormous sacrifices there. ” – ROBERT CREWS, PROFESSOR OF HISTORY

Nancy Kollmann , along with Amir Weiner, delivered a lecture called “Russia’s Love Affair with Authoritarianism: From Ivan the Terrible to Putin.” Kollmann focused on the origins of Russia’s authoritarian and autocratic rule to show students how Putin follows in this long tradition.

Amir Weiner , along with Nancy Kollmann, delivered a lecture called “Russia’s Love Affair with Authoritarianism: From Ivan the Terrible to Putin.” Weiner focused on the Communist era and how the collapse of the Soviet Union shaped Russian politics today and its president, Vladimir Putin.

“ I think most people have tended to study a moment like the Black Death as the history of the very dead and gone that leaves behind a compelling record, but when you re-read that record in light of our own experience, it sounds different, doesn’t it? ” – PAULA FINDLEN, PROFESSOR OF HISTORY

Paula Findlen delivered a lecture titled “The Plague Generation: Love, Death, Healing and Friendship in a Time of Pandemic,” where she discussed The Decameron , a collection of 100 stories written by the Italian poet Giovanni Boccaccio during the mid-14th century as the bubonic plague ravaged Italy.

Kathryn olivarius delivered a lecture titled “public health as public wealth: yellow fever, covid-19 and the politics of immunity” that examined the individualistic approaches to covid immunity in parallel to the repeated yellow fever epidemics that killed some 150,000 people between the louisiana purchase of 1803 and the civil war in 1861., jonathan gienapp.

“January 6, 2021, was the day that Congress counted and certified the state electoral votes for the 2020 U.S. presidential election. It was the final step in the complex process laid out by the Constitution by which the president of the United States is formally chosen. This final step is usually not very dramatic – a mere formality – but of course that was not the case this past year.

“Understanding what Congress was even doing on January 6 before the Capitol was besieged invites us to ponder the Electoral College – the peculiar and much-criticized mechanism by which the United States chooses its president. Virtually no other modern democracy relies on a system like this one. Why, then, was the Electoral College devised in the first place? And, given all the criticism it has received through the years, why does it remain with us to this day?

“The answers to these questions can be surprising, since the history of the Electoral College is so often clouded by myths.

“This is especially true of the institution’s origins. Why did the Constitution’s authors choose this particular system for electing the president? The most important thing to appreciate is that they chose the Electoral College not because it was the most desirable option, but because it was the least undesirable. The leading alternatives – legislative selection by Congress or a national popular vote – were met with powerful objections. If Congress elected the president, it was feared that the latter would become the puppet of the former, nullifying any hope of executive independence. When it came to a national popular vote, meanwhile, there were worries that, at a time when information moved slowly, especially across such a large nation, voters would be familiar only with the candidates from their home states and thus tend to choose them. There were also grave concerns that the people would be seduced by demagogues. The delegates to the Constitutional Convention chose the Electoral College less because of its virtues than because of its competitors’ perceived shortcomings.

“The Electoral College has always been an oddity. Since it was first used, it has been criticized. For most of the 20th century, there was bipartisan support to reform it. But, more recently, reform has become a partisan issue.

“The late 1960s and early 1970s was a high watermark for Electoral College reform. A constitutional amendment to replace the Electoral College with a national popular vote was approved by the House of Representatives by an overwhelming margin, but was subsequently blocked by Southerners in the Senate. This opposition was rooted in race. For decades, white Southerners had systematically disenfranchised African Americans, yet because electoral votes were apportioned based on population, not total voters, Southern states did not sacrifice any political power. Had the Electoral College been replaced by a national popular vote, however, the Southern states would have lost the political power they had come to enjoy.

“This failed attempt to abolish the Electoral College – only the most prominent of many stretching over two centuries – illustrates a vital point. The Electoral College remains with us today for one simple reason: because the U.S. Constitution is so difficult to amend.

“It is important to understand the origins of the Electoral College in light of the ongoing debate over whether to reform it. More often than not, defenders of the Electoral College rely on inaccurate history, falsely claiming that it was designed to work as it does today. Democracy is predicated on public debate, and that debate should ultimately turn on the merits of the question, not historical myths.”

Jonathan Gienapp is an assistant professor of history in the School of Humanities and Sciences . His scholarship focuses on the constitutional, political and legal history of the early United States. His book, The Second Creation: Fixing the American Constitution in the Founding Era (Harvard University Press, Belknap, 2018), rethinks the conventional story of American constitutional creation by exploring how and why founding-era Americans’ understanding of their Constitution transformed in the earliest years of the document’s existence.

Image: National Guard members stand behind a construction crew as they assemble wire barricades surrounding the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 7, 2021, in Washington, D.C. A pro-Trump mob stormed and desecrated the building the day before as Congress held a joint session to ratify President-elect Joe Biden’s 306-232 Electoral College win over President Donald Trump. (Photo by Robert Nickelsberg/Getty Images)

Tom Mullaney

“I took the theme of the course as an opportunity to shine light on two issues that have fallen out of the spotlight due to COVID, climate change and other more pressing news stories: One is Hong Kong, where many are right to worry that the PRC (People’s Republic of China) is not honoring agreements that were put in place many decades ago in preparation for the reversion of Hong Kong to mainland China. The other involves the still-unfolding story of mass detention and persecution of Uyghur Muslims and other Muslim minority peoples in China.

“History doesn’t merely provide a ‘perspective’ on these issues. In both cases, history is the issue.

“In order to understand what is taking place in Hong Kong, even in a rudimentary fashion, you have to go back to the opening decade of the 1800s. For example, you need to know why it was that Hong Kong became a British colony and when and how a lease was put in place that embroiled Hong Kong in a legal and economic agreement that was meant to last 99 years, and why the reversion of Hong Kong happened the exact year it did (1997, the year the lease was up). You need to know what promises Beijing had made to the Hong Kong government and its citizens in the decades leading up to reversion, notably that the ‘the socialist system and socialist policies shall not be practised in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region and that Hong Kong’s previous capitalist system and life-style shall remain unchanged for 50 years’ (meaning the year 2047).

“These episodes from the 1800s and the 1900s are present with us now. The same is true of the crisis in northwest China, in Xinjiang. Unless you understand the basics of Chinese history of the Qing Dynasty (1644-1911) and the various Chinese regimes of the 20th century, there can be no understanding of why Uyghurs and this region constitute such a preoccupation, such a source of anxiety, for Beijing. One thousand miles away, the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region is roughly four times the size of California, the largest province-level administrative unit in the People’s Republic of China, accounting for 16 percent of its entire land mass. This vast territory, sparsely populated by Uyghur Muslims and a variety of other non-Han Chinese groups, was conquered and brought into the political orbit of Beijing only very recently in history. Imperial wars of the Qing dynasty – which came at extreme cost in blood and silver – extended from the 1690s to the end of the 18th century, by which point the empire had reached its largest size ever.

“Following the collapse of the Qing dynasty in 1911, every subsequent Chinese regime has been expending vast sums of energy, money and blood to maintain the northwest, whose geopolitical significance has never waned. Mao Zedong himself said as much. ‘We say China is a country vast in territory, rich in resources and large in population,’ he wrote in 1956. ‘As a matter of fact, it is the Han nationality whose population is large and the minority nationalities whose territory is vast and whose resources are rich.’

“In my view, history is best understood not primarily as the study of the past but as a methodology. History is a repertoire of techniques of analysis, interpretation, comparison, explanation. Ways of asking questions. Of marshaling sources. Of telling stories about what we find. One can write the history of ancient worlds, to be sure. But one can also do a history of five minutes ago. Of yesterday. Of this year.”

Mullaney is a professor of history in the School of Humanities and Sciences and the author of The Chinese Typewriter: A History (MIT Press, 2017) and Coming to Terms with the Nation: Ethnic Classification in Modern China (UC Press, 2010), and principal editor of Critical Han Studies: The History, Representation and Identity of China’s Majority (UC Press, 2012).

Image: Uyghur woman passes painted Communist Party of China flag on the wall on June 27, 2017, in Urumqi, China. (Photo by Wang HE/Getty Images)

Jim Campbell

James Campbell ’s lecture, “Monumental Questions,” sought to provide some historical context for understanding the current controversy over Civil War monuments. What political purpose do monuments and memorials serve? What stories do they tell and what stories do they neglect or actively suppress? Why are we arguing today about monuments erected a century ago?

“There is an infinitude of places in which historical memory is produced and contested – not only in historical monographs and textbooks, but also in historic homes, museums, movies and pretty much every speech delivered by a politician. Monuments and memorials are an obvious example. In erecting a monument, one generation is not simply instructing future generations about what happened in the past; it is also telling them what parts of the past matter, what experiences and stories should be remembered and honored and what can safely be ignored or forgotten.

“The Civil War monuments and memorials that proliferated across the South in the late 19th and early 20th centuries are a case in point. Even with some of the recent removals, there are still well over a thousand of them still standing. One of the things that I emphasized to students in my lecture was that these monuments were not erected in the immediate aftermath of the war, but more than a quarter-century later. The vast majority appeared between 1890 and 1915. This was also the period that saw the consolidation of the Jim Crow regime, including legal segregation, systematic disfranchisement of Black voters and the terror of lynching. That is not a mere chronological coincidence.

“If you look at some of the dedication speeches delivered at the time, it’s very clear that the monument-building movement was part of a much broader political project – just as the movement to remove those monuments today is part of a much broader political project. Whether recent changes in the memorial landscape, in the ways in which we memorialize our collective past, will lead to the creation of a more just and inclusive politics in the present remains to be seen.”

Campbell is the Edgar E. Robinson Professor in United States History in the School of Humanities and Sciences . His research focuses on African American history and the legacy of slavery in America. He also examines the ways in which societies tell stories about their pasts. He is co-editor of Slavery and the University – Histories and Legacies (The University of Georgia Press, 2019) and Race, Nation, and Empire in American History (University of North Carolina Press, 2007).  

Image: Black Lives Matter activists occupy the traffic circle underneath the statue of Confederate Gen. Robert E. Lee, now covered in graffiti, on June 13, 2020, at Monument Avenue in Richmond, Virginia. (Photo by Andrew Lichtenstein/Corbis via Getty Images)

Gordon Chang

“This course aimed to give historical background to some of the major events of the year. Very importantly, to me, was the terrible upsurge in anti-Asian violence that swept the country, with thousands of reported incidents of attacks on people who appeared to be Chinese or of Asian ancestry. Victims were verbally harassed, physically assaulted, and in some cases killed, as with the horrific killing of six Asian American women and others in Atlanta in the spring.

“Many in the public were shocked by these events of anti-Asian hatred. What was surprising to me was that people were actually surprised by the violence directed against people who are so-called the “model minority.”

“In my lecture, I posed the question, how did the model minority become the model target in 2021?

“I talked a little bit about the scope of the violence directed against persons of Asian ancestry and the long history of anti-Asian hatred in the country.

“The history of the current moment of anti-Asian violence is a long-standing pattern of hatred against Asians in America that goes back to the mid-19th century when people from China began to arrive in some numbers to the United States and encountered horrible violence directed against them.

“Every Chinese community in the West from the 1860s through the 1880s was violently assaulted. Hundreds of persons of Chinese descent were murdered in California. Residents were driven out, their quarters destroyed, their belongings torched – forced out, never to return. The Chinese were not the only ones to suffer this kind of violence; other Asian ethnicities encountered similar hostility: Filipinos, Koreans and Japanese, as we saw during World War II. Asians were seen as a hated, perpetual foreigner.

“I talked about the 1871 attack on the Chinese in Los Angeles, where 19 Chinese were shot, lynched and mutilated. In 1885, 28 Chinese were victims of a massacre in Rock Springs, Wyoming. In 1887, 35 Chinese were butchered in Hells Canyon, Oregon.

“Students in the class were shocked by this history.

“One result of recent anti-Asian violence has been the awakening of many communities to their own terrible histories. In just the past several months, the cities of Antioch and San Jose have issued apologies for the violent deeds that occurred in those communities in the 19th century. There is some sense of trying to seek reconciliation, or certainly a reckoning, of this dark, ugly past with our present.

“If we look at this history, we can have a better appreciation of the long history of suffering, but also of the contribution of Asians to the country. I think people can develop a different view of those living in the present. Asians have not been peripheral to the country but have been an integral part of the positive and tragic history of the country, particularly the American West.”

Chang is the senior associate vice provost for undergraduate education and the Olive H. Palmer Professor in Humanities. His scholarship examines the historical connections between race and ethnicity in America. He has written and continues to publish in the areas of U.S. diplomacy, America-China relations, the Chinese diaspora, Asian American history and global history. His most recent books have examined the history of Chinese railroad workers in 19th-century America.

Image: During a nationwide day of action to rally against anti-Asian violence, supporters of the Asian American community hold signs in the Flushing neighborhood in the Queens borough of New York City on March 27, 2021. (Photo by Emaz/VIEWpress)

Partha Shil delivered a lecture titled “Laboring Lives and the Pandemic in South Asia, c. 2020-21,” about the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Indian working classes and the urban poor over the last two years.

“We grow up with assumptions woven into our language, assumptions that shape how we understand and narrate our present and our past. For instance, terms like ‘home’ or ‘shelter in place’ assume the presence of or access to a stable ‘home’ or a ‘shelter’ – an assumption that the urban poor in large parts of the world cannot make. The blindness woven in the language of policymakers became evident during the pandemic when governments implemented lockdowns and asked people to stay at home. On March 24, 2020, the Indian government implemented a 21-day lockdown with less than four hours of notice . This lockdown was extended many times. As the country shut down, its workforce found itself shut out. The middle classes retreated into their homes, while the working poor of Indian cities realized that their precarious livelihoods could barely keep them going beyond a few weeks. As their ability to pay rents for their city dwellings and their ability to afford food dwindled or disappeared, the city became an impossible space to survive in. For the poor, there was literally no shelter in place.

“The urban poor of India were left with no choice but to return to their village homes, homes that they had left behind in order to find better prospects in the cities. This took a dramatic form when millions of Indian workers started to flee the cities in the middle of the lockdown. Some were lucky enough to find rides home. But as transportation shut down, many found themselves walking on foot hundreds of miles to reach their villages. This exodus soon turned into a humanitarian crisis as migrant workers suffered unspeakable hardships en route. Some made it back. Some died on the way, either out of exhaustion or in tragic accidents.

“When labor historians of India witnessed this horror in news reports, they could immediately identify in it the activation of a long-term pattern of labor migration which has served as a subsistence strategy of the poor. The urban poor in India were returning to their villages because that is how capital had always acquired cheap labor in the cities – by keeping the village alive.

“How did this come to be? The existing scholarship in Indian labor history gives us the following account.

“Since the 19th century, Indian cities have relied on migrant workers for industrial enterprises and a range of menial services that middle classes have come to expect as part of urban life. These migrant workers have toiled for paltry wages in the factories, workshops and households of these cities. Even though a supplement to their dwindling agrarian incomes, migrant workers’ urban wages were never enough for them to become permanent city-dwellers. Workers had to keep their rural links alive as a fallback option during unemployment or sickness. When in distress in the city, workers would return to their villages, to whatever little plots of land they still had or to agrarian labor, to survive. This rural link was in turn used by the urban employer to continue to pay fewer wages under the pretext that migrant workers were never invested in long-term residence in cities. Capital could leech off the migrant status of workers. The pandemic and the exodus of migrant workers from the cities was one of those exceptional calamities when the anatomy of this oppression was revealed in all its bare form.

“This lecture was an attempt to help students understand the pandemic from the perspective of the laboring poor. Their mass exodus might have come across as an undoing of lockdown protocols or their attachment to their village hearths might come across as evidence of their incomplete urbanization and traditionalism. But on closer historical scrutiny, what we witnessed were the ways in which Indian workers have sought to survive the specific form of capitalism in modern India, one that requires them to survive by keeping both the city and the village alive.”

Shil is an assistant professor of history and works in the field of modern South Asian history. He specializes in the history of 19th- and early-20th-century Eastern India, in particular histories of labor and state formation.

Image: Indians travel in a bullock cart outside a deserted railway station, as India remains under an unprecedented extended lockdown over the highly contagious coronavirus (COVID-19) on May 11, 2020, in New Delhi, India. (Photo by Yawar Nazir/Getty Images)

Robert Crews delivered a lecture titled “The Year the Afghan War Ended?” that used history to show how despite the U.S. withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan in August 2021, conflict in the country is far from over.

“The dominant narrative in the U.S. is that the Afghan war is over. But for Afghan society, the war is hardly over – it’s just entered a new phase.

“It’s easy to think of Afghanistan as a place that’s far from us, alien and wholly different. It’s hard to think about the ways in which we have a shared legacy, but it’s a place that has been very much part of our past. Thinking about the war is so important because we have had so many Americans who have made enormous sacrifices there.

“My aim is to put Afghans at the center of the story and invite Stanford students to put themselves in their shoes and consider what American power means, what its consequences are, and to question the dominant narrative which suggests that the Afghan war is over.

“I think it’s kind of a revelation for our generation of students who have no memory of Sept. 11, 2001, and who have received a particular narrative from popular culture about American power, to think about how they fit into this wider world.

“For those of us who have been studying Afghan politics, we are trying to make sense of the new challenges that are facing the country now under Taliban rule, starting with the dire challenge of reviving the health care system, avoiding a mass famine and dealing with the displacement of millions across the planet.

“A look at the history of the Taliban shows that they are very committed to a whole set of norms which they are not going to budge on, such as their gendered policies toward women, their intolerance toward any kind of religious pluralism and their antagonism toward non-Pashtun people who are not allied with them ideologically.

“The return of the Taliban means that a lot of what many Afghans had hoped to make of the society will no longer be possible.

“Many Afghans see August 2021 as a turning point in which all the struggles that they had attempted to realize in building a pluralistic, civil society – including the possibility of women working outside the home and pursuing an education beyond adolescence – have all been extinguished for half the population.

“I often begin my conversation with students about Afghanistan by sharing examples of youth culture there, particularly Afghan hip-hop, as a way to show connections they have in common. Students recognize the same rhythms, the same lyrics and a universal story of love and disillusionment, the struggle to fight and not give up. We see Afghan men, women and children speaking about their own lives in a way that I can’t reproduce. In the classroom, it’s very effective.

“Through music, film, literature and art, we capture the imagination, which is something universal. It is shared; it transcends boundaries. Crossing these disciplinary boundaries is the first step toward developing historical thinking, which can help us understand the dramatic turn of events in Afghanistan and what that means for our own questioning about what our ethical responsibilities are.

“This is a pivotal moment in global politics and is something that we are all going to be studying for long into the future. Because the war is not really over. It isn’t really over for any of us as we confront problems on a global scale, including a displaced population – some of whom will join us here in California.

“What’s happening in Afghanistan belongs in our everyday conversations and at Stanford – in the dormitory, in the cafeteria, in the classroom – because this generation is going to inherit a long list of controversies and challenges that they will have to face.”

Crews is a professor of history and is the author of Afghan Modern: The History of a Global Nation (Harvard University Press, 2015) and co-editor of Under the Drones: Modern Lives in the Afghanistan-Pakistan Borderlands (Harvard University Press, 2012) and The Taliban and the Crisis of Afghanistan (Harvard University Press, 2009). He is also editor in chief of Afghanistan , an academic journal that takes a cross-cultural, humanities-oriented approach to the study of Afghanistan and its surrounding regions .

Image: A defaced image of women in a mural in the city of Nimroz, western Afghanistan. The Taliban regained control of Afghanistan and its capital, Kabul, in mid-August of this year, almost 20 years after they were ousted from power by a U.S.-led coalition in 2001. (Photo by Majid Saeedi/Getty Images)

Nancy Kollman

“I tried to give students a way to think about history in complex terms of causality, and to think about change and continuity, and not think that anything was predetermined.

“We posed to students the problem of Russia having had a centralized government over centuries and how Putin rules in that way. I explained the larger structural and institutional reasons why, from the early centuries, Russia rules centrally. It starts with climate and geography. Moscow is located in a harsh climate where agriculture is productive at only a subsistence level; Russians supplemented with hunting, but all in all it was a resource-poor environment, very thinly settled, always on the edge. For the state to get the resources to fulfill its ambitions of power, it needed to amass more territory to get more people to tax and perhaps natural resources, such as furs from Siberia.

“The adjacent lands were populated with many different kinds of people, societies and cultures, languages and histories. East into Siberia they encountered native tribes with animist religions and some Buddhists and Muslims as well; south to the steppe were Turkic-speaking nomads who were Islamic; moving west into Ukraine and Belarus they encountered Catholics, Lutherans, Jews and a wide variety of languages. Given their lack of manpower, the easiest way to rule a continental empire with so much diversity was to take a twofold approach: They expropriated the resources that they wanted and enforced military control, and otherwise let them be. They ‘tolerated’ difference. Everyone kept their languages, religions, identities and cultures.

“I showed students these structural realities, but I argued it is not inevitable that an authoritarian regime results out of it. Geography is not destiny; people make choices and the 19th and 20th centuries were full of new ideas, new social mobility, new economic changes that did provide alternatives to rule. There is always a tension between the material conditions and social institutions that shape the world a person is born into and how the individual responds to it. That is the question we posed when we turned to Vladimir Putin.

“He is a product of the Soviet Union, which was shaped on the old Russian Empire in terms of central government and tolerating diversity of peoples. It also had, of course, a powerful ideological framework that shaped Putin’s worldview.

“How Putin rules is a combination of his own personality, his own experiences and the structures of history that shaped the world he grew up in. As a product of the Soviet system, he believes that centralized control over all of that big space is exactly what Russia should be doing – it’s consistent with the country’s past. At the same time, he brings many modern sensibilities, particularly modern ways of control that were not possible before the 20th and 21st centuries.

“We took the span of centuries of history to try to get the students to think historically, and to think in an open-ended way about history. I pointed their attention to the power of material factors like geography and climate, and enduring strength of institutions like tsarist autocracy and centralized bureaucratic rule. But we also argued that individuals shape the history they are born into. We wanted to leave the students pondering the balance of all these factors.”

Kollmann is the William H. Bonsall Professor in History in the School of Humanities and Sciences and the author of The Russian Empire 1450-1801 (Oxford University Press, 2017) and Crime and Punishment in Early Modern Russia (Cambridge University Press, 2012). Her research examines the question of how politics worked in an autocracy, and she is interested in how early modern states, particularly empires, tried to create social cohesion and stability through ritual, ideology, law and violence.

Image: St. Basil’s Cathedral, Moscow, Russia. (Photo by Savushkin/Getty Images)

Amir Weiner

“As Nancy and I delivered the lecture, I realized we were talking to people who were born 10 years after the collapse of the Soviet Union. For them, Communism may be dead, but for hundreds of millions of people who reside on former Soviet territory and coping with its multiple legacies, it’s a very real matter.

“The Communist totalitarian order of single-party dictatorship, command economy and state terror continue to exert major influence on the political culture and institutions of the Russian Federation. This was the system Vladimir Putin was born into, and even if he acknowledges its weaknesses, its alleged achievements outweigh its faults.

“The collapse of the Soviet Union left a tremendous sense of loss and humiliation on the present-day Russian elite and population. The experience of watching a superpower reduced overnight to a dysfunctional regional power with nuclear weapons, outmoded economy and huge demographic and territorial losses gave rise to a vengeful agenda and a strong desire to restore the lost glory without fundamental reforms.

“What we see today is a system of patronal presidentialism, built on three pillars inherited from the Soviet past. First, fake politics, fake elections, fake parties. There are no viable autonomous institutions in present-day Russia. All institutions are prone to intervention by the perpetually elected president, through his political police, the FSB, the successor of the infamous KGB. Hence, the quip that ‘during the Soviet era, the state had security services; today the security services have a state’ has a strong touch of reality.

“Second, a system of informal networks and friendships that allow access to resources and power with total lack of transparency or regard to written laws. Political power and wealth mingle; close associates of Putin pay for huge pet projects, like the Olympic Games, in exchange for immunity and control of economic assets.

“Third, selective, brutal and brazen terror. Political opponents are killed or imprisoned on bogus charges. Just look at the killing of Boris Nemtsov, the opposition leader, who was shot in 2015 some 100 meters from the Kremlin. Imagine Nancy Pelosi or Mitch McConnell getting shot, execution-style, 100 yards from the White House. Or the poisoning of Alexander Litvinenko, a critic of the regime, by polonium-210 in London in 2006, and of Alexei Navalny by Novichok nerve agent last year.

“Most challenging for Putin’s system is the succession dilemma. No one can tell who will succeed Putin. It makes all of us appreciate how crucial it is to have a secure, legitimate and safe succession mechanism.

“I always tell my students that history offers tools for analysis when making decisions; it shows the limitations, circumstances, confinements and the opportunities available in the present. Understanding present-day Russia starts with knowing its history. The British historian, Thomas Carlisle, said that ‘the present is the living sum-total of the whole past.’ That’s maybe a little bit hyped, but not by much. I think that to ignore history is to do so at your own risk.”

Weiner is an associate professor of history who studies totalitarian movements and regimes with a focus on the Soviet polity; population politics; the Second World War; and modern mass violence. He is currently researching the KGB and the Soviet surveillance state.

Image: Russian President Vladimir Putin observes an exhibition prior to his meeting with veterans of World War II in Staraya Russa, Novgorod region, Russia, April 6, 2015. Putin spoke against attempts to redraw history to serve current political needs. (Photo by Sasha Mordovets/Getty Images)

Paula Findlen

Paula Findlen delivered a lecture titled “The Plague Generation: Love, Death, Healing and Friendship in a Time of Pandemic” where she discussed The Decameron , a collection of 100 stories written by the Italian poet Giovanni Boccaccio during the mid-14th century as the bubonic plague ravaged Italy. The book centers around 10 young men and women who leave Florence and go into isolation in the nearby countryside where each evening, they share stories, ranging from comedic, slapstick entertainment to more serious reflections about what it means to be human and one’s moral responsibility in society.

“I wanted to talk about plague because that is the best-documented event from the past of an entire world experiencing pandemic but also reflecting on it in real time.

“The many different perspectives people offer on that historic experience of pandemic, in its global, communal and local versions, is helpful for us to think about the different ways we parse out and understand our own experience of COVID.

“When people today read the introduction to Giovanni Boccaccio’s Decameron , this famous set of tales written right after the Black Death in Florence in 1348, they are struck by how many parallels to modern life there are – except for the very important fact that not as many of us are dying during COVID, as people did during the Black Death, where anywhere from one- to two-thirds of the community was eviscerated.

“But that’s not really what Boccaccio wants to write about. He wants to write about what happens to human behavior and the many different ways to respond to the world during a pandemic. One of the fundamental questions for Boccaccio is, what does it mean to be human and how does a pandemic expose the very core of our humanity?

“A pandemic is never one problem. It’s many different problems – not only how to cope with the medical problem, but how to deal collectively with a population experiencing a highly contagious disease.

“You have to have a greater understanding of the human condition, and our relationship to the environment, but also to each other, to actually solve these many problems. It’s not just one problem.

“ The Decameron is a kind of moral quarantine where 10 young people – and it’s important that they’re young, because young people are most likely to have the energy and even openness to find new ways to solve the problems of their society when they go back and rebuild after the pandemic. They left Florence with the hope that when they return they are fortified, mentally and psychologically, to withstand its challenges and ready to take on the responsibility of addressing them with creativity and perhaps a greater understanding of the human condition, because, in a way, that’s the antidote to pandemic for Boccaccio – to have citizens ready to assist society’s reemergence.

“Boccaccio wrote about plague not just as an individual crisis, but as a collective problem of this entire society. All of society’s preexisting problems become magnified during a pandemic. Boccaccio realized that engaging these problems was a crucial step in envisioning a post-pandemic future. These are words coming from the middle of the 14th century, but we can recognize that Boccaccio is pinpointing a problem that we’re struggling with ourselves right now.

“A little bit of courage and a lot of common sense, as I like to say, is what I think Boccaccio is trying to offer, while also telling really great, entertaining and rollicking tales about the greed, the love, the passions and the failings of his society, which is of course, what makes The Decameron great literature, not just a plague tale.”

Findlen is the Ubaldo Pierotti Professor of Italian History and director of the Suppes Center for the History and Philosophy of Science and Technology . Findlen authored a review essay, “ What Would Boccaccio Say About COVID-19? ” about the Florentine humanist’s experience with the Black Death in Renaissance Italy.

Image: Hospital workers in full protective wear standing together in a group embrace. (Photo by xavierarnau/Getty Images)

Kathryn Olivarius

Kathryn Olivarius delivered a lecture titled,  “Public Health as Public Wealth: Yellow Fever, COVID-19 and the Politics of Immunity.” Olivarius examined the individualistic approaches to COVID immunity in parallel to the repeated yellow fever epidemics that killed some 150,000 people between the Louisiana Purchase of 1803 and the Civil War in 1861.

“I think students were surprised to learn that yellow fever was such a huge problem in the 19th-century Deep South. There was no cure or vaccination against yellow fever. Immunity, maybe ironically, was a person’s only sure-fire protection from the virus, and that was only gained by getting sick and surviving it. About half of all people died in the ‘acclimating’ process.

“Back then, people did not understand how yellow fever spread, but public health officials in many cities experimented with sanitation, drainage and, most importantly, quarantine to try and curb epidemics. But New Orleans seldom imposed quarantine. City leaders did not want to damage New Orleans’s commercial prosperity or undercut individual merchants. Politicians did not see it as their duty to keep people safe from yellow fever, but rather help them be successful once they survived it.

“There are strong similarities between this past and with the COVID-19 pandemic today. In the early months of 2020, many politicians, governors – even the president! – railed against lockdown, claiming the economic costs were more terrible than the coronavirus itself. Some said that it was Americans’ ‘patriotic’ duty to willingly face COVID, become immune and get back to work. Of course, pursuing herd immunity in this manner came with social costs – lots of people got sick and many died.

“We’ve also seen that, like in the past, people are conditioned to write themselves out of statistics and believe they are the exception to any rule – that if we got sick with COVID, we would of course be fine. People in antebellum New Orleans said exactly the same thing with regard to yellow fever. Many of them were wrong.

“Another lesson is that pandemics and epidemics do not treat all people equally and that they often make any pre-existing social inequalities worse. Viruses don’t think, but humans do. And the white elites of antebellum New Orleans made choices about the value of immunity that benefitted them at the expense of the masses – especially enslaved people. For example, capitalists only employed or purchased ‘acclimated’ people – that is, yellow fever survivors – essentially demanding that people take on an extreme amount of disease risk to function at the most basic level.

“History matters. It teaches us that humans, and policies, are complicated and that cause and effect is never a simple line. COVID-19 disproportionately impacted poor people, people who are underemployed, people of color and people who are already marginalized in our society. The pandemic didn’t necessarily create new inequalities, but it showed the seams of our society and all the inequalities that were already there and, in some cases, exacerbated them – that’s where history provides a really powerful context for this.

“Today, in a place like Silicon Valley and in a world that is going through this huge pandemic, a humanistic approach is especially important.”

Olivarius is a historian of the 19th-century United States, primarily interested in the antebellum South, Greater Caribbean, slavery, capitalism and disease. Her forthcoming book,  Necropolis: Disease, Power and Capitalism in the Cotton Kingdom (Harvard University Press, Belknap, 2022) concerns yellow fever, immunity and inequality.

Stanford News Service spoke to Olivarius about some of this work in March 2020, at the beginning of the COVID-19 lockdowns. Read more here .

Image: People wearing masks walk near a sign reading “Staying home saves lives” amid the coronavirus pandemic on April 28, 2020, in New York City. (Photo by Alexi Rosenfeld/Getty Images)

Media Contacts

Melissa De Witte, Stanford News:  [email protected]

• College of Arts & Sciences
• Graduate Division
• College of Liberal and Professional Studies

This page allows you to search a particular semester's course offerings in History and filter them by Major/Minor requirement. We also invite you to explore Penn History courses on the Pathways App . This fun, game-like platform allows you to see connections between History courses, so that you can better sequence them. It also encourages you to ask “how can History help us answer big questions?” Give it a try!

Create Your Folder And File

Change name, enter your email ( requried * ).

You can upload any content you feel is missing or add more resource to any specific category. Just be on that specific folder and click upload. After approval, your content will be live on PapaCambridge.

Create Your Folder

Upload files.

• AS & A Level
• Past Papers
• Other Resource

Share this page

History 0470 IGCSE Past Papers

12/01/2023 : history 0470 october november 2022 past papers of igcse are updated., 15/08/2022 : history 0470 past papers of feb march and may june 2022 are now available. .

Cambridge IGCSE History (0470)

PapaCambridge provides  Cambridge IGCSE History (0470) latest past   papers  and resources that includes  syllabus, specimens, question papers, marking schemes, resource booklet, FAQ’s , Teacher’s resources and a lot more. Past papers of Cambridge IGCSE History (0470) are available from 2002 up to the latest session. It’s the guarantee of PapaCambridge that you will find the latest past papers and other resources of Cambridge IGCSE History (0470) before any other website. All the content offered here is absolutely for free and is provided in the most convenient way so that you don’t face any issue.

Moreover, we have taken convenience to another level now. Just login and you will be able to browse content faster and in a convenient way. You can now favourite, share, download entire session papers together and do much more by simply registering. It is absolutely free. 

Not only do you get yearly unsolved past papers of Cambridge IGCSE History (0470) but there is a lot more at PapaCambridge now  Click on the links below to find more stuff of CAIE Cambridge IGCSE History (0470) .

05 October 2019  : Cambridge IGCSE History (0470) past papers and other resources are now available. 

22 April 2020 :  All content for Cambridge IGCSE History (0470) has been updated.

20 May/June 2020  : All Content for Cambridge IGCSE History (0470) has been updated.

20 Oct/Nov 2020  : All Content for Cambridge IGCSE History (0470) has been updated.

25 August 2020  :  Feb / March   2020  and  May / June  History (0470) Past Papers has been updated.

20 August 2021 :   Feb / March   2021  and  May / June   2021  History (0470) Past Papers are updated.

20 January 2022 : Oct / Nov 2021   History (0470) Past Papers are updated.

Cambridge IGCSE History (0470) Yearly Past Papers

The Cambridge IGCSE History syllabus looks at some of the major international issues of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, as well as covering the history of particular regions in more depth. The emphasis is on both historical knowledge and on the skills required for historical research. 

Learners develop an understanding of the nature of cause and effect, continuity and change, similarity and difference and find out how to use and understand historical evidence as part of their studies. Cambridge IGCSE History will stimulate any learner already interested in the past, providing a basis for further study, and also encouraging a lifelong interest in the subject. Both coursework and non-coursework options are available.

You may find the part useful :p  

If you don’t want to mess around here between notes, slides, ebooks etc and just want to have past papers of Cambridge IGCSE History (0470). Check out : Cambridge IGCSE History (0470) Past Papers. PastPapers.Co only has past papers available to give you clean and smooth experience for browsing past papers.  Get History 0470 Past Papers  here.

Some Incoming Search Terms

1.    Cambridge IGCSE History 0470 past papers

2.    Cambridge IGCSE History 0470 question papers

3.    Cambridge IGCSE History 0470 marking schemes

4.    Cambridge IGCSE History 0470 syllabus

5.    Cambridge IGCSE History 0470 grade thresholds

6.    CAIE Cambridge IGCSE History 0470 

7.    Cambridge IGCSE History 0470 resource material

Common Search Terms:

Past papers , past papers 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov igcse 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov may june 2024, past papers 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov igcse 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov march 2024, question papers 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov igcse 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov 2024, mark scheme 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov igcse 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov 2024, grade thresholds 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov igcse 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov 2024, confidential instructions 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov igcse 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov 2024, examiner reports latest 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov igcse 2001 nov history - 0470 2001 nov 2024, can learners mix 19th and 20th century core content.

Learners should study all the Core Content in either Option A, The 19th century, or Option B, The 20th century.

However, learners can study a mixture of 19th and 20th century questions in Section A of Paper 1. Learners can also answer 20th century questions on Paper 2 or vice versa. The most common way of mixing coverage is for those teaching the 20th century to also cover Key Question 6 from the 19th century (what caused the First World War) so that learners have a background to the Treaty of Versailles and post-war developments.

Do we need to cover all of the Core Content?

You should cover all the Core Content in either Option A, The 19th century, or Option B, The 20th century. If you don’t have enough teaching time to do this, for example if you are teaching the course in one year, you could cover some topics in depth and leave out other topics. However, this will reduce the choice of questions learners have in the examination.

Section A of Paper 1 offers four questions each on both the 19th century and the 20th century Core Content. Learners must answer two questions in total, so you could cover just three of the four Key Questions, which will still give learners some question choice in the examination.

Is there any advantage in doing more than one Depth Study?

No, there is no advantage in doing more than one Depth Study. However, you can choose to cover two Depth Studies if you wish. This will give your learners a broader course and a greater choice of questions in Papers 1 and 4.

Learners taking Paper 1 and Component 3: Coursework can answer a coursework question on the Depth Study they have studied for Paper 1.

Learners taking Paper 1 and Component 4: Alternative to Coursework can answer questions on the same Depth Study in both papers.

Can I leave out some of the content of a Depth Study?

No, you should cover all the content of a Depth Study.

In both Paper 1 and Component 4 learners can only choose one question from the two questions available. Leaving out some of the content from a Depth Study will reduce the choice of questions and might even leave learners without any questions they can answer.

What is the difference between a description and an explanation?

When an answer moves from description (or identification) to explanation (in parts (b) and (c) of Paper 1), it will move towards a higher band in the mark scheme.

For example, if a question asks learners to explain why Germans hated the terms of the Treaty of Versailles, the answer 'Because of the reduction in the size of the German army to 100 000 men' only identifies a reason. It does not explain it. To give further details about the reduction in the size of Germany's navy and air force would only add more description, it would not turn the answer into an explanation. To turn this answer into an explanation the learner must also give a historical reason for why the reduction in the size of the army really mattered to the Germans. For example, the learner could explain that the reduction left Germany open to possible attack from their traditional enemy, France.

Will the wording of the issue on Paper 2 always be exactly the same as the prescribed topic in the syllabus?

No, the issue on Paper 2 could go across a Key Question or it could be an investigation into one of the Focus Points (and accompanying Specified Content) listed under the Key Question in the syllabus.

For example, if the prescribed topic is 'Why did events in the Gulf matter, c.1970-2000?' the issue could be related to Saddam Hussein's rise to power, the nature of his rule in Iraq, the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the Iran-Iraq War of 1980-88 or the First Gulf War. If a paper is on one of these Focus Points, the issue used will not necessarily be identical to the way the Focus Point is worded in the syllabus, but it will be related to it.

Do I have to make a special study of the prescribed topic in the syllabus for Paper 2?

No, and it would be counterproductive to do so. Learners need no more knowledge of a prescribed topic for Paper 2 than they need for the same topic for Paper 1.

To teach the Paper 2 prescribed topic in more detail than other topics could mislead learners into thinking that Paper 2 is about detailed knowledge of the content, when it is primarily about interpreting, analysing, evaluating and using historical sources (although for this, learners do of course need some knowledge and understanding of the historical context, and the Paper 2 prescribed topic must still be covered).

To prepare learners for Paper 2 you should integrate source skills into the teaching and learning of the Paper 1 content. Giving learners regular opportunities to use historical sources during the whole course will enable them to gradually improve their source skills.

What exactly do learners have to do for Paper 2 Question 6?

Question 6 carries the highest mark on Paper 2. It is the only question type on Paper 2 that stays the same every year (although, of course, the issue changes from year to year). Learners must know how to approach this question.

Question 6 includes a statement closely related to the Paper 2 issue. There are always some sources that agree with the statement, and others that disagree with it. Learners are asked to explain how some of the sources support the statement and other sources disagree with the statement. They do not have to use all the sources but they should use most of them.

If they do this well, they can gain 10 marks out of the 12 allocated to this question. There are two further marks for any developed evaluation of any of the sources. Learners are not asked to discuss whether or not they agree with the statement.

Is there an advantage in opting for Component 3 Coursework rather than Component 4 Alternative to Coursework?

There is no advantage in opting for Coursework rather than Alternative to Coursework. This is a matter of choice for individual schools and teachers.

Both components require learners to assess the significance of an event, person or development and will demonstrate the same skills and understanding. The same generic mark scheme is used for marking both components.

Coursework allows you to be involved in the assessment process, to set your own tasks and to devise your own schemes of work, and it gives your learners an opportunity to show their achievements outside the examination room. However, coursework increases the amount of work you have to do, and may be more stressful for learners who have coursework to be completed in other subjects at the same time.

How can I be sure my learners coursework will be acceptable to the external moderator?

Cambridge makes every effort to ensure that coursework tasks are acceptable. Once coursework tasks have been set, we urge you to send in the proposed tasks for vetting before the work is done by your learners. We forward the proposed tasks to coursework consultants who provide comments on them and, if necessary, give advice on how they could be improved.

We also offer online Coursework Training Programmes, which give you the opportunity to practice your skills within different aspects of the coursework marking process. These can be booked through the Events and training calendar on our public website.

However, we cannot guarantee that the level of marks awarded in any individual school will be exactly in line with the marks awarded in another school. Therefore, each year the coursework marks of some schools have to be adjusted, up or down, as a result of external moderation. If this happens, reasons are given by the moderator in a report sent to the school.

The Coursework Handbook explains this in more detail. All teachers should read the handbook carefully before starting on coursework.

If I include the word significant in a coursework question will it be enough to ensure the question is appropriate?

Can i adapt the mark scheme for coursework.

No, the generic mark scheme must be used exactly as it is in the syllabus. Exactly the same mark scheme is used for marking Component 3: Coursework and Component 4: Alternative to Coursework.

The generic mark scheme is also in the Coursework Handbook where there is guidance on how to use it and sample coursework assignments with annotations and marks. All teachers should read the handbook carefully before starting on coursework.

Most of my learners are not First Language English speakers, and their written English is not fluent. Does this disadvantage them?

No, learners are assessed on the History content they produce, not on their English.

The majority of IGCSE History learners are not First Language English speakers, so examiners are very experienced in assessing the work of learners whose English is in some way deficient. They are instructed to be sensitive in the interpretation of what has been written, and to give the benefit of the doubt to the learner. No marks are given for spelling, grammar, expression or any other non-historical criterion. In fact, most learners have no trouble making themselves understood.

For a small minority, however, weaknesses in their English prevent them from being able to express their answers as effectively as possible. They may not understand the questions with the necessary precision. The History they produce may be weakened by their inability to express what it is they have to say, and this may have an impact on their overall performance.

For more information and materials on these syllabuses, please visit our School Support Hub: 

📑 Update(s):

11/01/2024 :, may / june 2023 and oct / nov 2023 past papers are updated., 24/08/2023 :, caie a levels, o levels and igcse 2023 past papers of march and may /june are updated, 24/03/2023 :, caie a levels have new 2022 updated topical past papers with answers. exclusively available on papacambridge, 12/01/2023 :, october and november 2023 past papers of caie are updated., 2022 and 2023 updates :, 17/10/2022 past papers section is upgraded., may june 2022 and feb march 2022 past papers are updated..

if any paper paper is still missing, please report using the Contact Us! tab.

   2001 Nov

Download app now.

Get our app now and unlock exclusive features

Click here Or Scan QR.

For Android

We tracked down the owners of empty Sydney homes to try and find out why they've been left vacant

Every suburb has one.

A home that's been left empty for years, perhaps decades.

Walking past, you might peer in the windows and wonder why.

There's estimated to be up to 140,000 "inactive" or vacant homes in Australia, according to experimental data released by the Australian Bureau of Statistics.

The highest proportion are in NSW, particularly Greater Sydney. So, we narrowed our search to nearly a dozen Sydney 'ghost homes', selected at random, to investigate.

There are many reasons properties may remain empty, such as deceased estates, delays with council, owners in aged care, lack of finances to rebuild and deliberate land banking.

We found out the stories behind some of Sydney's empty homes by tracking down owners using property data and other public records and knocking on doors.

Where contact failed, neighbours helped us piece together the property's history.

Dolls Point

This waterfront home has been vacant for almost a decade, according to neighbours.

The owner, a Melbourne businessman, purchased the property as a holiday home in 2007.

Council records show he lodged a construction certificate in 2016 for a lift and rooftop entertaining area.

Halfway through the project, he had a falling out with the builder, and it was abandoned, according to a neighbour.

She said a brand-new kitchen was installed, never used and has now rusted, and the ceiling has partially caved in as it wasn't property waterproofed.

The owner said there was a dispute with the builder but the renovation would be completed soon.

The man said he was "probably" going to rent it out but had "no plans for the future" as he was concentrating on finishing the project.

This brick home was bought so long ago there is very limited property data available.

It has no mortgage and there has only ever been one owner.

Neighbours told us the Sydney woman was deceased and her grandson had inherited the property.

The lawn appears tended to, but the letterbox is overflowing.

A new metro station is being built within a few steps of the entrance.

The owner's relatives were unable to be contacted for comment.

This federation home has been vacant for over a decade.

It was badly damaged by fire in 2013, rendering it unliveable.

It was uninsured at the time, as it was about to undergo a substantial renovation.

The owner, a Sydney woman, has been renting nearby and is seeking to rebuild. 

She said council asked her to keep the façade, which would require underpinning and blow out the cost.

She has also been struggling to find a reliable, affordable builder with the price of materials soaring. 

This property has been vacant since it was purchased for $36.2 million in July 2023.

At the time it was one of the most expensive properties to be sold in Australia.

The driveway is littered with old newspapers and there are spider webs on the security gates.

Neighbours say they see the odd person come and go but no-one is living at the home.

It's unclear if the owner is a foreign investor or resident.

There is very limited public information about the owner in Australia.

His buyer's agent and real estate agent did not provide further details.

The single-level brick property is a former police station that neighbours say stopped being regularly used by uniformed officers in the 90s.

A long-term resident told the ABC the property was occasionally used for meetings until several years ago.

She said while the layout might make it difficult to repurpose to a home, she hoped it could be put to use as "it's gone to rack and ruin".

Property data suggest the site is owned by "Her most gracious majesty Queen Elizabeth 2," aka the state government, and is estimated to be worth $2.2 million.

A spokesperson for NSW Police said the building was "currently utilised by Central Metropolitan Region as required operationally".

This three-bedroom red brick home has remained vacant for many years.

Neighbours say the owners are an elderly couple who live several suburbs away and plan to retire to the single-level home soon.

Others tell us they come every Monday to mow the lawn.

The house was last sold for $60,000 in 1988. The owners have been contacted for comment.

This four-bedroom home has been vacant for months, with its overgrown gardens obscuring the façade.

It was purchased in September 2022 for $2.8 million through an investment company and has a mortgage.

It's understood the sole director, a man in his 20s, is not currently living in Australia.

He is seeking to demolish it to construct a Torrens title duplex, however, the works have been delayed by a protracted legal battle with council.

A contractor working for the owner took the Inner West Council to court in 2023 after a deemed refusal to their DA.

The NSW Land and Environment Court granted development consent in March, with modifications.

Work is yet to begin.

The colonial-style building has been vacant 'on and off' over the years but has not been lived in since COVID, according to a spokesperson for St Brendan's church.

The owners, the trustees of the Roman Catholic Church for the Archdiocese of Sydney, previously used the property as a convent, and it is still occasionally utilised by school groups and charities.

The spokesperson said it would be lived in soon, as the adjacent presbytery will be "taken over by the school and they will move into convent as new parish."

Council records confirmed a DA is currently under consideration.

Seven Hills

This five-bedroom brick house has been vacant for up to 18 months, according to one neighbour.

Others tell us the owner, a Sydney man, comes regularly to mow the front lawn.

The property was purchased for $133,000 in 1990 and is estimated to be worth close to $1.5 million. It doesn't have a mortgage.

Property data suggests it hasn't previously been rented out and does not have a DA before council.

Attempts to contact the owner proved unsuccessful.

• Strathfield

This five-bedroom home was empty for about 2 years.

It was purchased in January 2022 for $3.3 million.

Council records show the owner lodged a DA in June 2023, for a knockdown rebuild. It was approved in March, nine months later.

The owner, a Sydney woman, said the property was only intended to be vacant for three months, but the DA process took longer than expected.

A contractor working on the site said many homes in the area are left empty while awaiting development consent, as the uncertainty over time frames can make it difficult to put in tenants.

While we were investigating the house was demolished and work on a two-storey family home began.

Three adjoining inner west properties have been vacant for well over a decade, according to nearby business owners.

The last rental listing was in 2013, which advertised one property as a four-bedroom unit for $980/week.

The owner, a Sydney woman, said the properties were commercial, not residential.

She said they required significant work, which she had been unable to attend to because she had been ill.

Neighbours pointed out that the French doors on the upstairs balcony had been left open for three years.

There are no mortgages on the properties.

The NSW government has recently audited every scrap of public land to locate 44 state-owned sites where extra homes could be built.

Yet there are more than 43,000 privately owned properties in the state sitting vacant, some in prized suburbs close to public transport.

Incentivising owners to rent or sell is a "very subjective issue", according to Real Estate Institute of NSW CEO Tim McKibbin.

Mr McKibbin said some property owners might not have the "money to bring the property up to standard" to rent and others might have concerns tenants may damage it.

"[Others] take the view that the property is appreciating in value and are happy to pay the outgoing, land tax, council rates, et cetera," Mr McKibbin said.

Where are Sydney's 'ghost homes'?

Officially there are 23,982 Sydney homes considered "inactive" dwellings, according to a 2023 analysis by the ABS.

Inactive dwellings are those that show no sign of recent use.

There are 355 empty properties in Millers Point and 235 in North Sydney/Lavender Bay.

Lane Cove, Five Dock, Manly and Bondi each have about 140 each.

The detailed data followed a "new, experimental" analysis by the ABS which combined 2021 census population demographics with administrative data from health, education, government payments, income and taxation and employment over five years.

Some of the data was collected during COVID, which may skew the figures.

Suburbs where one in four properties are not lived in full time

The analysis also classified one-in-10 homes across Greater Sydney as a "non-primary" residence.

Non-primary residences are secondary homes, and can include holiday homes, short-term rentals or those currently being sold.

In some inner-city suburbs, like Camperdown, Darlington, Chippendale and Ultimo the figure was as high as one in four.

Weak state and federal property tax settings are partly to blame for the "excessive incidence of vacant homes", according to Hal Pawson, associate director at UNSW's City Futures Research Centre.

Professor Pawson said one option, which was favoured by economists, was to gradually phase out stamp duty for a broad-based land tax.

Failing that, he suggested "vacant property taxes could be a means of discouraging speculative holding of empty dwellings and/or ownership of rarely used second homes".

But he cautioned there was not enough available data to show what was an "unjustifiably vacant" property, and anything beyond a "very narrow definition" could accidentally rope in others, such as homeowners away on a long holiday.

A spokesperson for the NSW Treasurer Daniel Mookhey said a vacancy tax was being considered as part of a review of short and long-term accommodation.

"This review has considered issues such as day caps on short-term rental accommodation, planning policy settings, and tax settings on vacant property used internationally and elsewhere in Australia," he said.

The Department of Planning called for public submissions on the issue in February and will report to government in the coming months.

Mr McKibbin did not support a vacancy tax, suggesting it may impinge on property rights.

"Government's record of punishing people to bend to [the] Government's will always have adverse consequences," he said.

Victoria is implementing a state-wide vacant property tax from 2025 , which will see rates increase each consecutive year a property is left vacant for more than six months.

Owners will be charged 1 per cent of the capital improved land value the first year, to 3 per cent by the third year.

Foreign owners of homes in Australia are also required by the federal government to pay an annual vacancy fee if their property is not occupied or rented out for at least six months a year.

• X (formerly Twitter)

Related Stories

These houses in sydney have sat empty for decades, but there's 'very little' council can do about it.

A person's home may be their castle but if they leave it vacant can they really complain if it gets taken away?

• Housing Policy
• Rental Housing

• The S&P 500 average return

Investing in the S&P 500

• Buy-and-holds

Comprehensive guide to the average stock market return over the past 10 years

Paid non-client promotion: Affiliate links for the products on this page are from partners that compensate us (see our advertiser disclosure with our list of partners for more details). However, our opinions are our own. See how we rate investing products to write unbiased product reviews.

• The S&P 500 has gained about 10.7% annually since its introduction in 1957. 
• The S&P 500's annual average return in 2023 was 24%, a significant increase from 2022. 
• Returns may fluctuate widely yearly, but holding onto investments over time can help.

The S&P 500 average return over the past decade has come in at around 10.2%, just under the long-term historic average of 10.7% since the benchmark index was introduced 65 years ago. But the stock market return you'll see today could differ greatly from the average over the past 10 years. There are a few reasons why you could see a bigger or smaller return than the average during any given year.

Read Insider's guide to the best online brokers for free stock trading>>

The S&P 500 average return over the past 10 years

There are many stock market indexes, including the S&P 500 . This index includes 500 of the largest US companies, and some investors use its performance as a measure of the market's health. The annual S&P 500 average return in 2023 was 24%. So far, the average return for 2024 is around 19%.

"Investing can be a good way to grow wealth over the long term and offers the potential for higher returns compared to a typical checking or savings account," says Jordan Gilberti, CFP and senior lead planner at Facet.

Here's how the yearly annual returns from the S&P 500 have looked over the past 10 years, according to Berkshire Hathaway data that includes earnings from dividends:

Berkshire Hathaway has tracked S&P 500 data back to 1965. According to the company's data, the compounded annual gain in the S&P 500 between 1965 and 2023 is 10.2%.

While that sounds like a good overall return, not every year has been the same.

"Investing carries risks — you may be subject to losses and may even lose all the money you put into an investment," Gilberti notes. Just because this is the S&P 500's current return, you can't count on it going forward.

While the S&P 500 fell more than 4% between the first and last day of 2018, its total return surged 31.5% in 2019. Returns jumped from 18.4% in 2020 to 28.7% in 2021. But when many years of returns are put together, the ups and downs of the S&P 500 annual returns start to even out.

It's worth noting that these numbers are calculated in a way that may not represent actual investing habits. The figures are based on data from the first of the year compared with the end of the year. But the typical investor doesn't buy on the first of the year and sell on the last. While they're indicative of the growth of the investment over the year, they're not necessarily representative of an actual investor's return, even in one year.

When buying stocks from the S&P 500, you're not buying the entire index. Indexes shouldn't be confused with index funds, which are investments meant to track the performance of certain sectors or assets in the stock market. You can invest in index funds that track the S&P 500 with some of the best stock trading apps .

Some investors choose to buy shares of individual companies on the S&P 500. Some opt for mutual funds , which allow investors to buy a portion of several different stocks or bonds collectively. These individual mutual funds or stocks all have average annual returns, and that particular fund's return may not be the same as the S&P 500 annual returns. 

Plus, even if you invest in an S&P 500 index fund, a high expense ratio may reduce your overall returns to below average. Past performances don't necessarily predict future returns.

Buy-and-hold evens out the market's fluctuations

Investing experts, including Warren Buffett and investing author and economist Benjamin Graham, say the best way to build wealth is to keep investments for the long term, a strategy called buy-and-hold investing . 

There's a simple reason why this works. While investments will likely go up and down with time, keeping them long-term helps even out these ups and downs. Like the S&P 500's changes noted above, maintaining investments for the long term could help investments and their returns get closer to that average. 

• Credit cards
• Investing apps
• Retirement savings
• Cryptocurrency
• The stock market
• Retail investing

• Main content

• Nashville SC
• High Schools
• Other Colleges
• Sports Columnist Joe Rexrode
• SportsbookWire

NASCAR returns to the Brickyard: History of Cup Series at Indianapolis Motor Speedway oval

The NASCAR Cup Series is back on the oval at the Indianapolis Motor Speedway for Sunday's Brickyard 400 after a three-season hiatus.

There has been good and bad throughout the 27 Cup Series races at the IMS oval, and those experiences have helped tell the story of why oval-reliant NASCAR shifted to the road course at the world's most recognizable oval in 2021 and back again.

Here's a quick run through the history of NASCAR at the Indianapolis Motor Speedway:

NASCAR debut at Indianapolis in 1994

NASCAR first approached the idea of running a race at the Indianapolis Motor Speedway in 1992 with a tire test. A year later, IMS and NASCAR announced the race date for the first weekend in August 1994.

Think of IMS and the Indianapolis 500 at that time as the motorsports version of Augusta National and the Masters in terms of exclusivity and exposure. The Masters takes place in early April, and that was the lone major golf tournament at Augusta National year-round. The Indianapolis 500 took place throughout a few weeks in May, and that's all race fans around the country saw of IMS until the next year's race.

The inaugural Brickyard 400 was a true spectacle in the modern history of NASCAR. Eighty-six cars entered the race for 43 spots. Among other drivers, 59-year-old A.J. Foyt made the field while Charlie Glotzbach failed to qualify in his final career Cup Series race attempt.

Jeff Gordon, who moved from California to Indiana as a kid to jumpstart his young racing career, won the inaugural race after a late-race duel with Ernie Irvan. The Charlotte Observer's Tom Higgins wrote in the next day's edition that "there are predictions (the Brickyard 400) will widen the popularity of Winston Cup racing."

The 400 almost instantly became one of the crown jewel events on Cup schedule, and the popularity of NASCAR did increase through the 1990s and 2000s. Until it stopped.

Kissing the bricks is Indy tradition, born from the Brickyard 400 and Dale Jarrett in 1996

The Brickyard 400 has had a long-term impact on the Indianapolis Motor Speedway and the Indy 500 in at least one aspect.

After wining the 400 in 1996, Dale Jarrett and crew chief Todd Parrott led their Robert Yates Racing team to the brick-laid start-finish line to kiss the bricks at the Brickyard.

The late Scott Brayton did kiss the bricks after winning the pole for the 1995 Indy 500, but Jarrett, Parrott and the entire No. 88 Robert Yates Racing team sealed the tradition with a postrace kiss of the bricks.

Kissing the bricks is now synonymous with winning at the Indianapolis Motor Speedway, much like drinking milk in victory lane.

Tire issues in 2008 was lowpoint of the Brickyard 400

NASCAR and Goodyear have never missed the mark so badly as they did with the tire they brought to the Indianapolis Motor Speedway in 2008.

The track failed to take on rubber throughout the weekend, leading to major tire degradation during the 400. Several cars suffered cut tires and major damage because of it during the race, forcing NASCAR to stagger competition cautions and use extra tire sets to get through the full 160 laps. NASCAR president Mike Helton even joined the ESPN broadcast booth to assuage concerns.

The race, won by Jimmie Johnson, contained six competition cautions for tire wear, with the longest green-flag run at 13 laps. By the end, race pace had notably slowed as drivers shifted into survival mode.

"You don't need me to tell you what happened on Sunday was a joke," The Charlotte Observer's David Poole said to lead off his race-day observations in the July 28, 2008, edition of the paper.

"The lamest spectacle in racing," read one headline in the July 28, 2008, edition of the Indianapolis Star.

Race shifts to IMS road course in 2021

Attendance at Indianapolis Motor Speedway sagged significantly in the 2010s, and the quality of racing waned.

Still, it was notable in the fall of 2020 when NASCAR announced the IMS race date would take place on the road course in 2021. The Cup and Xfinity Series ran races on the IMS road course from 2021-2023, and both the track and the racing wasn't a clear step up. For one, the inaugural Cup road course race featured an issue with curbing through turns 5 and 6, which caused multiple issues and many wrecked race cars for simply trying to race through the corners.

But it also was the preeminent oval-racing series in the world running a road course at the preeminent oval track in the world.

That has changed in 2024, and the Brickyard 400 is back.

NASCAR Indianapolis: Brickyard 400 previous winners

• 2020: Kevin Harvick
• 2019: Kevin Harvick
• 2018: Brad Keselowski
• 2017: Kasey Kahne
• 2016: Kyle Busch
• 2015: Kyle Busch
• 2014: Jeff Gordon
• 2013: Ryan Newman
• 2012: Jimmie Johnson
• 2011: Paul Menard
• 2010: Jamie McMurray
• 2009: Jimmie Johnson
• 2008: Jimmie Johnson
• 2007: Tony Stewart
• 2006: Jimmie Johnson
• 2005: Tony Stewart
• 2004: Jeff Gordon
• 2003: Kevin Harvick
• 2002: Bill Elliott
• 2001: Jeff Gordon
• 2000: Bobby Labonte
• 1999: Dale Jarrett
• 1998: Jeff Gordon
• 1997: Ricky Rudd
• 1996: Dale Jarrett
• 1995: Dale Earnhardt
• 1994: Jeff Gordon

NASCAR Cup Series Indianapolis race TV schedule, start time

• Green Flag Time:   Approx. 1:30 p.m. CT on Sunday, July 21
• TV coverage:  NBC ( watch FREE on Fubo )
• Radio:   IMS Radio Network (102.5 FM in Nashville)
• Streaming:  FUBO  (free trial available); NBC Sports app (subscription required); NASCAR.com and SiriusXM for audio (subscription required).

The Brickyard 400 will be broadcast nationally on NBC. Streaming options for the race include the NBC Sports app and  FUBO , which offers a  free trial  to potential subscribers.

We occasionally recommend interesting products and services. If you make a purchase by clicking one of the links, we may earn an affiliate fee. USA TODAY Network newsrooms operate independently, and this doesn’t influence our coverage.

• SI SWIMSUIT
• SI SPORTSBOOK

CBS Sports Predicts Buccaneers QB Baker Mayfield Will Underperform in 2024

River wells | 7 hours ago.

• Tampa Bay Buccaneers

All eyes in Tampa Bay will be on quarterback Baker Mayfield this season, but after a strong 2024 campaign, he'll have plenty more national eyes on him as well.

Mayfield had a strong 2023 campaign in which he threw 28 touchdowns, 10 interceptions and over 4,000 yards. Those heroics helped lead the Buccaneers to an NFL Divisional Round game against the Detroit Lions, but it also happened after a 9-8 season in which the Buccaneers barely won the division — and some haven't forgotten about that.

CBS Sports recently released an article detailing which QBs they thought would overperform and underperform , and Mayfield was listed as a potential underperformer. Writers Cody Benjamin, Jared Dubbin and Garrett Podell all gave their reasons as to why he was placed there.

"isn't it possible we're putting a little too much stock into a 9-8 season in which he almost didn't escape the NFC South? We've had five years of Mayfield as a starter, and two of them have been playoff-caliber," Benjamin wrote. "He may well have the Bucs fighting at the top of the South again, but he still feels more like a spoiler than a contender."

READ MORE: Offensive Line Change Will Be a Major Storyline at Tampa Bay Buccaneers Training Camp

Those are valid concerns, of course. The Bucs were 4-7 at one point in the season, but were able to turn it around after a valiant effort. The game that got the Bucs into the playoffs against the Carolina Panthers was a rough one, but the team rebounded with a big win over the Philadelphia Eagles.

Dubbin and Podell both pointed to a common talking point in the offseason in regards to Mayfield — the departure of Dave Canales.

"Similar to the way Geno Smith took a step backward last season after Canales left for Tampa, I think Mayfield could do the same now that the former  Buccaneers OC is in Carolina," Dubbin wrote.

"With offensive coordinator Dave Canales now in Carolina as the  Panthers new head coach, Mayfield takes a slight step back under new offensive coordinator Liam Coen despite their brief established relationship from their time together with the 2022  Los Angeles Rams," Podell wrote.

We wrote in depth about how Dave Canales leaving for Carolina may not be an awful thing, but it is true that Canales has been somewhat of a quarterback whisperer during his NFL tenure. He'll be focused on Bryce Young, but Baker Mayfield will look to have as good or better a campaign in 2024 than he had the last year, and of course, that all starts with him.

A Mayfield regression wouldn't be surprising, but it also feels like a world where he improves or keeps playing good football isn't all that far away, either. Only the future will tell.

READ MORE: Former Tampa Bay Buccaneers Edge Rusher Announces Retirement

Stick with  BucsGameday  for more FREE coverage of the Tampa Bay Buccaneers throughout the offseason.

Follow BucsGameday on  Twitter  and  Facebook

More Tampa Bay Buccaneers News

•  Will Tampa Bay Buccaneers All-Pro Left Tackle 'Hold In' During Training Camp?

•  Where Does Buccaneers Receiver Mike Evans Rank Among NFL Players Over 30?

•  Bucs News: PFF Identifies Tampa Bay Buccaneers' Best Offseason Decision in 2024

•  First-Round Rookie Expected to be Crucial to Buccaneers' Success This Season

RIVER WELLS

River Wells is a sports journalist from St. Petersburg, Florida, who has covered the Tampa Bay Buccaneers since 2023. He graduated with a journalism degree from the University of Florida in 2021. You can follow him on Twitter @riverhwells.

Follow @riverhwells

Where is British Open? What to know about Royal Troon Golf Club

The fourth and final major golf championship of the year is on the horizon.

The 152nd Open Championship tees off Thursday at the Royal Troon Golf Club in Troon, Scotland for the 10th time. The Open Championship, commonly referred to as the British Open, is the oldest golf tournament in the world and was first held in 1860.

Royal Troon Golf Club first hosted the Open Championship in 1923, when English golfer Arthur Havers defeated American Walter Hagen by one stroke.

Royal Troon went on to host the Open eight more times, most recently in 2016, when Sweden's Henrik Stenson defeated Phil Mickelson by three strokes to win his first and only major title.

Here's everything you need to know about the 2024 British Open and the Royal Troon Golf Club:

When is British Open golf tournament?

The 152nd Open Championship will take place July 18-21 at Royal Troon in Scotland.

Where is British Open golf tournament?

The Open Championship will be held at the Royal Troon Golf Club in Troon, Scotland, a course that was established in 1878.

How long is the course at Royal Troon?

It is 7,385 yards and is par 71, 36 on the front nine and 35 on the back nine.

What is the longest hole at Royal Troon?

The par-5 sixth hole is 623 yards. According to The Open , it's 22 yards longer than when the tournament was last played at Royal Troon in 2016 and is the longest hole in Open history.

What is the shortest hole at Royal Troon?

Royal Troon features the famous eighth hole named the "Postage Stamp." The Par-3, 123-yard hole is considered "the shortest hole in Open Championship golf," according to Royal Troon. The eighth hole is small but mighty: Five bunkers surround the green.

When has Royal Troon previously hosted British Open?

The course has previously hosted the tournament in 1923, 1950, 1962, 1973, 1982, 1989, 1997, 2004 and 2016.

How can I watch British Open on TV?

The 2024 Open Championship will be broadcast live on NBC and USA Network, with additional coverage available on NBC's Peacock streaming service. Here's the broadcast schedule (all times Eastern):

Round 1: Thursday ,  July 18

• 4 a.m.-3 p.m.: USA Network
• 3 p.m.-4:15 p.m.: Peacock

Round 2: Friday, July 1 9

• 4 a.m. -3 p.m.: USA Network
• 3 p.m. - 4:15 p.m.: Peacock

Round 3: Saturday, July 20

• 5 a.m. -7 a.m.: USA Network
• 7 a.m. - 3 p.m.: NBC/Peacock

Round 4: Sunday, July 21

• 4 a.m.-7 a.m.: USA Network
• 7 a.m.-2 p.m.: NBC/Peacock

Who won last year's British Open? 

American Brian Harman won the Open Championship in July 2023 at Royal Liverpool in Hoylake, England by six strokes, closing out the weekend 13-under par for the tournament to claim his first major title.

Fact-Checking Trump’s Speech and More: Day 4 of the Republican National Convention

A team of New York Times reporters followed the developments and fact-checked the speakers, providing context and explanation.

• Share full article

Former President Donald J. Trump accepted his party’s nomination during the final night of the Republican National Convention on Thursday, delivering a freewheeling, factually challenged and often ad-libbed speech.

Mr. Trump began by describing in detail the assassination attempt that left him with a bandaged ear. Then, he essentially staged a campaign rally, repeating familiar boasts and delving into a cascade of false and misleading claims about his own record and the state of the border, the economy and the world.

Here’s a fact-check of his remarks.

“We’ve got Right to Try. They were trying to get that for 52 years.”

— Former President Donald J. Trump

This needs context.

The “right to try” law of 2018 allows terminally ill patients to seek access to experimental medicine that is not yet fully approved by the Food and Drug Administration, but a similar program has been in place since the 1970s.

Jeanna Smialek

An inflation crisis “is just simply crushing our people, like never before — they’ve never seen anything like it.”

This is false..

Inflation peaked at 9.1 percent in the summer of 2022, but that is considerably lower than its peak of nearly 15 percent in the early 1980s.

Republicans will sometimes point out that the inflation methodology has changed since then — meaning that we are measuring price increases differently — but even accounting for those tweaks, economists have said that inflation was lower in 2022 than it was four decades earlier. Inflation is not, based on the data, crushing people like never before.

Advertisement

“Our planet is teetering on the edge of World War III, and this will be a war like no other.”

This lacks evidence..

While there is an active war between Russia and Ukraine, and between Hamas and Israel, and fighting in Sudan, Myanmar and other countries, there is no evidence that a third world war is imminent.

In terms of previous world wars, according to the Encyclopaedia Britannica, an estimated 8.5 million soldiers were killed in World War I and an estimated 35 million to 60 million people died during World War II.

The concept of World War III has traditionally referred to a potential war between the United States and Russia, which is not imminent. President Biden has often said he is actively trying to avoid such a conflict even as he arms Kyiv in its war with Moscow.

Brad Plumer

“We will drill, baby, drill, and by doing that we will lead to a large-scale decline in prices.”

More drilling doesn’t always cause gasoline prices to plunge. Case in point: The United States is actually producing significantly more crude oil today under the Biden administration than it did under the Trump administration, yet gasoline prices are still higher than they were four years ago.

That’s because gasoline costs are also influenced by broader market forces that can cause the global price of crude oil to rise or fall. For instance, a big reason prices increased in 2022 was Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, which disrupted the flow of crude across the globe. All else equal, an increase in U.S. oil drilling should put downward pressure on prices, but those other global factors also play a considerable role.

Angelo Fichera

“If you look at the arrow at the bottom, that’s the lowest level — the one on the bottom, heavy red arrow — that’s the lowest level of illegal immigrants ever to come into our country in recorded history right there, right there. And that was my last week in office.”

Mr. Trump presented an immigration graphic that he credited with saving his life during an assassination attempt at a rally in Pennsylvania days earlier.

Moments before a gunman opened fire at the rally, Mr. Trump turned to gesture at the chart, a move that he said prevented him from being shot in the head . The shooting left his ear bloodied, killed one spectator and seriously injured two others.

In his acceptance speech on Thursday, he referred to a thick red arrow on the chart, titled “Illegal Immigration Into the U.S.,” that points to a significant drop in migrant crossings at the southern border during his presidency.

But despite text on the chart and Mr. Trump’s description at the convention, the arrow is actually pointing to a dip in early 2020 — when migration slowed globally during the coronavirus pandemic and the restrictions that followed — not during his last week in office. And that low did not last.

In March 2020, there were about 30,000 encounters at the southern border recorded by Border Patrol, according to Customs and Border Protection statistics . That dropped in April 2020 by almost half, to about 16,000.

In the months that followed, however, the number of migrants encountered at the border then climbed back up. During Mr. Trump’s last month in office, there were about 75,000 encounters by Border Patrol.

And contrary to Mr. Trump’s claim, even the low in 2020 was not the lowest “in recorded history.” Earlier in Mr. Trump’s presidency, the number of apprehensions at the border had dipped to about 11,000 in April 2017 , before the flow increased again.

Also, since 1925, total annual apprehensions nationwide by Border Patrol have often been lower than they were under Mr. Trump’s presidency, noted Michelle Mittelstadt, a spokeswoman for the nonpartisan Migration Policy Institute.

There is no arguing that the situation at the southern border grew worse during the Biden administration: In December, there were around 250,000 encounters .

In an effort to reverse course, President Biden recently announced severe restrictions on asylum, and illegal crossings have since significantly dropped . Border Patrol reported about 83,500 encounters in June.

“We gave you the largest tax cuts.”

The $1.5 trillion tax cut, enacted in December 2017, ranks below at least half a dozen other tax cuts by several metrics. The 1981 Reagan tax cut was the largest as a percentage of the economy and by its reduction to federal revenue. The 2012 Obama tax cut amounted to the largest reduction in inflation-adjusted dollars: $321 billion a year.

“We built most of the wall.”

During Mr. Trump’s 2016 campaign, he promised to build a wall spanning at least 1,000 miles along the southern border and have Mexico pay for it. That did not happen. Overall, the Trump administration constructed 458 miles of border barriers — most of which upgraded or replaced existing structures. Officials put up new primary barriers where none previously existed along only 47 miles.

“I will end every single international crisis that the current administration has created — including the horrible war with Russia and Ukraine, which would have never happened if I was president, and the war caused by the attack on Israel, which never would have happened if I were president.”

There is no evidence that President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia would not have invaded Ukraine if Donald J. Trump had been president of the United States in February 2022, when Russian forces began a full-scale war on Ukraine.

In fact, Mr. Trump supported one of Mr. Putin’s greatest desires — weakening the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Senior administration officials told The New York Times that several times over the course of 2018 Mr. Trump privately said he wanted to withdraw from NATO . And Mr. Trump was impeached for withholding Javelin missiles from Ukraine in 2019. Those missiles proved effective in blunting Russian armor advances into Ukraine in 2022.

“And then we had that horrible, horrible result that we’ll never let happen again. The election result. We’re never going to let that happen again. They used Covid to cheat.”

Mr. Trump has continued to falsely claim that the 2020 election was stolen from him. His assertions about widespread cheating are unsubstantiated. Since the election, the former president has used claims mischaracterizing the voting and counting process, cited baseless examples of fraud and peddled conspiracy theories.

“Just a few short years ago under my presidency, we had the most secure border and the best economy in the history of the world.”

This is exaggerated..

Apprehensions of unauthorized crossings along the southwest border in the 2017 fiscal year, which includes several months of the Obama administration, fell to the lowest point since the 1970s.

But they increased in subsequent years. In the 2019 fiscal year, apprehensions topped 800,000 and were the highest in a decade. And in the 2020 fiscal year, even as the coronavirus pandemic ground global movement to a halt, apprehensions were higher than in 2011, 2012 and 2015.

And when Mr. Trump left office, the coronavirus pandemic had decimated the economy with an unemployment rate of 6.4 percent in January 2021 and gross domestic product had not yet rebounded to pre-Covid levels. But even before all of that, annual average growth was lower under Mr. Trump than under Presidents Bill Clinton and Ronald Reagan.

“We had no inflation.”

The rate of inflation was indeed low under Mr. Trump, but it was not completely nonexistent.

Under Mr. Trump, the rate of inflation measured by the overall Consumer Price Index largely gravitated around 2 percent — with the rate slightly lower and higher some months — according to data from the Bureau of Labor Statistics . That dropped at the onset of the coronavirus pandemic, and inflation reached a low of 0.1 percent in May 2020 before trending upward.

“By the way, you know who’s taking the jobs? The jobs that are created? 107 percent of those jobs are taken by illegal aliens”

Official estimates of employment do not support Mr. Trump’s statement, which makes little sense. And estimates from various groups show that the population of unauthorized immigrants has grown in recent years, but not nearly enough to take all the jobs created during Mr. Biden’s presidency.

The economy has added more than 15 million jobs since January 2021. Two groups that advocate for lower levels of migration and stricter border security have estimated that there are 2.3 million to 2.5 million more unauthorized immigrants in 2023 than in 2020.

Overall, the Bureau of Labor Statistics estimated that 29.9 million foreign-born workers — both authorized and unauthorized — and 131.1 million native-born workers were employed in 2023. That is an increase of 5.1 million in employed foreign-born workers and 8.1 million native-born workers since 2020 .

“Our current administration, groceries are up 57 percent, gasoline is up 60 and 70 percent.”

Grocery prices are up substantially since Joseph R. Biden Jr. took office in early 2021, but not by 57 percent: The Consumer Price Index’s food-at-home index is up about 21 percent . Gas prices are up about 35 percent , depending upon the measure used.

Lisa Friedman

“Under the Trump administration, just three and a half years ago, we were energy independent. But soon we will actually be better than that. We will be energy dominant and supply not only ourselves, but we supply the rest of the world, with numbers that nobody has ever seen.”

This is misleading..

Under the Trump administration, the United States for the first time began to export more oil than it imported. Energy experts say that is not because of Trump’s policies, but because of the fracking boom that began during the George W. Bush administration and soared under President Barack Obama. It’s still happening.

In fact, under President Biden, the United States has become the biggest oil producer in the world and is producing more natural gas than ever before. The phrases “energy independence” and “energy dominance” also fail to take into account wind, solar and other renewable energy, which is growing at a rapid pace.

Alan Rappeport

“We will reduce our debt, $36 trillion, and we will reduce your taxes still further.”

Mr. Trump suggested that the national debt would be paid down by jump-starting economic growth. He made this promise during his first term, promising that $2 trillion of tax cuts would pay for themselves, and ended up approving more than $8 trillion of borrowing. The Republican platform this year makes no mention of debt or deficits but does call for cutting wasteful spending.

Also, the national debt currently stands at $34.9 trillion, not $36 trillion.

“They want to raise your taxes four times.”

Many elements of the 2017 tax cut Mr. Trump signed into law will expire in 2025, and Mr. Biden has proposed some tax increases on high-income earners and corporations. But this does not amount to a quadrupling of taxes.

The 2017 tax cuts are expected to reduce the average tax rate by 1.4 percent in 2025, according to the Urban-Brookings Tax Policy Center, a left-leaning Washington think tank. Most in the top 5 percent of income would see the greatest change, by 2.4 percent. Mr. Biden has also consistently said he does not support raising taxes on people making under $400,000 a year and, in his latest budget, proposed extending tax cuts for those making under that threshold.

Mr. Biden’s proposals would increase the average tax rate by about 1.9 percent, according to a Tax Policy Center analysis . The top 0.1 percent would see the biggest increase of about 13.9 percent, while the low income filers would see a reduction in taxes. That is no nowhere near the 300 percent increase Mr. Trump warned of.

“I will end the electric vehicle mandate on Day 1, thereby saving the U.S. auto industry from complete obliteration, which is happening right now, and saving U.S. customers thousands and thousands per car.”

There is no electric vehicle mandate. The Biden administration has imposed rules requiring carmakers to meet new average emissions limits across their entire product line. It is up to auto manufacturers how to comply. The Environmental Protection Agency has estimated that the rule would mean that by 2032, about 56 percent of new passenger vehicles sold would be electric and another 16 percent would be hybrids. Autoworkers do fear job losses because electric vehicles could require less than half the number of workers to assemble than cars with internal combustion engines do.

There is also no evidence that the rule or other policies aimed at encouraging electric vehicles are leading the automobile industry toward “obliteration.” Many automakers have, in fact, embraced electric vehicle production. General Motors, for example, has been talking about preparing for an “all-electric future” since 2017. The Biden administration has argued that its policies are aimed at moving electric vehicle jobs from China to the United States.

“We’re going to bring back car manufacturing.”

The American auto industry lost jobs under the Trump administration, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. General Motors, Ford and Fiat Chrysler all closed factories during Mr. Trump’s presidency.

“Probably the best trade deal was the deal I made with China, where they buy $50 billion worth of our product.”

The trade agreement that Mr. Trump signed with China in 2020 was quickly derailed by the coronavirus pandemic, and China never fulfilled its obligations to purchase American goods. And Mr. Trump gave an incorrect total for how much American product China was supposed to buy. A 2022 analysis by the Peterson Institute for International Economics found that China had bought none of the extra $200 billion of U.S. exports in the trade pact.

“Democrats are going to destroy Social Security and Medicare.”

President Biden has pledged not to make any cuts to America’s social safety net programs. Mr. Trump suggested this year that he was open to scaling back the programs when he said there was “a lot you can do in terms of entitlements in terms of cutting.” He later walked back those comments and pledged to protect the programs. But if changes to the programs are not made, the programs’ benefits will automatically be reduced eventually. Government reports released earlier this year projected that the Social Security and disability insurance programs, if combined, would not have enough money to pay all of their obligations in 2035. Medicare will be unable to pay all its hospital bills starting in 2036.

Hamed Aleaziz

The Biden administration “demolished Title 42.”

The Biden administration kept in place the Trump-era policy, known as Title 42, which allowed border agents to quickly turn back migrants and cut off access to asylum protections for more than a year.

The Biden administration did not move to get rid of Title 42 until spring 2022. The move was later blocked by a federal judge, which forced the administration to keep the policy in place.

During that time, the Biden administration expanded the use of the policy and began expelling Venezuelans to Mexico. It was later rolled back in 2023 by the Biden administration.

“In Venezuela, crime is down 72 percent.”

Mr. Trump claimed that crime had fallen drastically in Venezuela because the country had sent “their murderers” and prisoners to the United States. Annual reports from the Venezuelan Violence Observatory, a research organization based in Caracas, shows a 25 percent decline in the country’s homicide rate from 2022 to 2023 , and a 41 percent decline since 2020 . In comparison, the homicide rate declined even more precipitously while Mr. Trump was president, by almost 50 percent from 2016 .

The Venezuelan Prison Observatory told Univision in 2022, when Mr. Trump first made the claim, that the prisons in the country had not been emptied and rather were at 170 percent capacity. According to the group’s latest annual report, Venezuela’s prison population stood at 33,558 in 2022, about level with its 2021 population of 33,710. Immigration experts have said they could not corroborate Mr. Trump’s claims that other countries were “dumping” their criminal and prison populations into the United States.

“I was the first president in modern times to start no new wars.”

Depending on the definition of “modern times,” President Jimmy Carter started no new wars during his time in office between 1977 and 1981.

“The whole world was at peace. And now the whole world is blowing up around us. Under President Bush, Russia invaded Georgia. Under President Obama, Russia took Crimea. Under the current administration, Russia is after all of Ukraine. Under President Trump, Russia took nothing.”

Under Mr. Trump’s presidency, there was not global peace. While Mr. Trump was in the Oval Office, there was an active war in eastern Ukraine between the Russian and Ukrainian armies, he authorized airstrikes and ground combat operations against fighters of the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria, and he ordered the assassination of an Iranian military leader in Iraq.

“We defeated 100 percent of ISIS in Syria, something that was going to take five years — ‘It’ll take five years, sir’ — and I did it in two months.”

The American-led coalition campaign against the Islamic State began in 2014 . The research firm IHS Markit estimated that the Islamic State lost about a third of its territory from January 2015 to January 2017. Mr. Trump has largely stuck with, and taken advantage of, a strategy that Mr. Obama began , and the Islamic State lost its final territories in March 2019 , two years after Mr. Trump took office, not two months.

“I stopped the missile launches from North Korea.”

North Korea continued to test missiles during Mr. Trump’s time in the White House, a fact that the former president continually dismissed at the time .

“Our opponents inherited a planet at peace and turned it into a planet at war.”

While Russia had not invaded Ukraine and the war between Israel and Hamas had not broken out, it is a stretch to claim that the world was entirely peaceful under the Trump administration.

Average peacefulness declined in 2018 and 2020 , according to the Global Peace Index, an annual measure of violence around the world compiled by the Institute for Economics & Peace. During the Trump administration, the United States was also engaged in military conflicts in Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan and more than 60 American soldiers died in hostile action . When Mr. Trump left office, there were 2,500 troops remaining in Afghanistan.

“We also left $85 billion worth of military equipment” in Afghanistan.

Mr. Trump was once again referring to the total amount that the United States spent on security in Afghanistan over the course of 20 years — not the value of equipment left behind in the 2021 withdrawal.

The United States provided $88.6 billion for security in Afghanistan from October 2001 to July 2021, and disbursed about $75 billion, according to Pentagon figures .

That figure includes the amount spent on training, antidrug trafficking efforts and infrastructure, as well as $18 billion for equipment. CNN previously reported that about $7 billion worth of military equipment that the United States transferred to the Afghan government was left behind during the withdrawal.

“We will replenish our military and build an Iron Dome missile defense system to ensure that no enemy can strike our homeland. And this great Iron Dome will be built entirely in the U.S.A. and Wisconsin.”

The U.S. military’s budget continues to grow year by year, and the Iron Dome missile defense system is effective only against relatively short-range rockets and missiles. Installing an Iron Dome across the country would in no way ensure that an enemy could not strike the United States.

“They spent $9 billion on eight chargers.”

— Former President Donald J. Trump.

This is false .

This is an inflated claim of another false statement Mr. Trump has made on the campaign trail about electric vehicle charging stations. (He recently said that the Biden administration had “opened seven chargers for $8 billion.”)

The Bipartisan Infrastructure Law, which President Biden signed in 2021, allocated $7.5 billion for electric vehicle charging stations, with the goal of installing 500,000 across the country.

So far, only seven chargers have been installed — not a great pace. But the suggestion that the entire amount was used on seven chargers is not accurate. The Biden administration has argued that the pace is the result of wanting to get a complex new national program done right.

“He decided to leave behind the comforts of an unbelievable business empire. To leave behind everything he had ever built. To answer the call to serve our nation. Unlike his predecessor, it was not a decision born out of necessity. Unlike the current president, it was not a decision that would enrich his family.”

— Eric Trump, a son of Donald J. Trump

Former President Donald J. Trump did not divest from his businesses when he assumed the presidency, and his critics argue that his companies did benefit from his being in public office. Mr. Trump’s businesses received nearly $8 million from 20 foreign governments during his time in office, according to documents released by House Democrats this year. Much of that was from China. The nonprofit OpenSecrets has also tracked millions of dollars flowing to Trump properties from political entities and groups in recent years, suggesting that those seeking favor with Mr. Trump may do so through his properties.

“He slashed regulations.”

This needs context ..

As president, Donald J. Trump indeed slashed regulations, rolling back more than 100 environmental protections alone. The bulk of those were aimed at keeping the air and water clean, and cutting planet-warming greenhouse gas emissions from automobiles and power plants.

However, the Trump administration’s attempt to deregulate was also often thwarted by the courts. All told, the Trump administration lost 57 percent of cases challenging its environmental policies, a much higher rate of loss than previous administrations, according to a database maintained by New York University’s Institute for Policy Integrity .

“The U.S. dollar has been diminished.”

The value of the U.S. dollar is stronger than it has been in decades . This year, the dollar index, which measures the strength of the currency against the currencies of six major trading partners, has been hovering at levels last seen in the early 2000s.

Eric Trump’s suggestion that the dollar has been diminished is actually at odds with his father’s recent suggestion that the dollar is too strong, making American exports too expensive abroad.

Former President Donald J. Trump and Senator J.D. Vance, his running mate, have both argued that a weaker dollar would be better for the U.S. economy and have suggested that steps should be taken to depreciate the currency.

“In 2019, I was with him at the United Nations when the first president of history of this country stood there to advocate for religious liberty worldwide.”

— Franklin Graham, the evangelical leader

President Donald J. Trump hosted a United Nations event on religious freedom in 2019 in New York. At the time, he characterized it as the first time a U.S. president had hosted such a meeting. But aside from specific meetings, Mr. Trump’s appearance was certainly not the first time that an American president had championed religious freedom before the United Nations. President Barack Obama did so in a 2012 address to the General Assembly . President George W. Bush pressed the importance of religious liberty in a 2008 interfaith event.

“We’ve lost more Americans from drugs in the past four years than we lost in World War II. Yeah. Our bloodiest war. More than we lost in World War II. Does anybody care? It is pathetic. It is pathetic. And do you hear a single word from Washington about doing anything about it?”

— Tucker Carlson, Trump ally and former Fox News host

Mr. Carlson can certainly argue that lawmakers have not done enough to address the opioid crisis in the United States, but his suggestion that they have done nothing is wrong. The Congressional Research Service listed several major legislative efforts in 2016, 2018, 2019 and 2021.

These laws, according to the research service, “addressed overprescribing and misuse of opioids, expanded substance use disorder prevention and treatment capacities, bolstered drug diversion capabilities, and enhanced international drug interdiction, counternarcotics cooperation and sanctions efforts.”

Annual funding for border security and the Drug Enforcement Administration has tried to directly address drug trafficking. The bipartisan border bill that failed this past spring would have also included increased funding for enforcement efforts and new technology to detect drug smuggling. Former President Donald J. Trump lobbied against its passage.