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18 Qualitative Research Examples

qualitative research examples and definition, explained below

Qualitative research is an approach to scientific research that involves using observation to gather and analyze non-numerical, in-depth, and well-contextualized datasets.

It serves as an integral part of academic, professional, and even daily decision-making processes (Baxter & Jack, 2008).

Methods of qualitative research encompass a wide range of techniques, from in-depth personal encounters, like ethnographies (studying cultures in-depth) and autoethnographies (examining one’s own cultural experiences), to collection of diverse perspectives on topics through methods like interviewing focus groups (gatherings of individuals to discuss specific topics).

Qualitative Research Examples

1. ethnography.

Definition: Ethnography is a qualitative research design aimed at exploring cultural phenomena. Rooted in the discipline of anthropology , this research approach investigates the social interactions, behaviors, and perceptions within groups, communities, or organizations.

Ethnographic research is characterized by extended observation of the group, often through direct participation, in the participants’ environment. An ethnographer typically lives with the study group for extended periods, intricately observing their everyday lives (Khan, 2014).

It aims to present a complete, detailed and accurate picture of the observed social life, rituals, symbols, and values from the perspective of the study group.

Example of Ethnographic Research

Title: “ The Everyday Lives of Men: An Ethnographic Investigation of Young Adult Male Identity “

Citation: Evans, J. (2010). The Everyday Lives of Men: An Ethnographic Investigation of Young Adult Male Identity. Peter Lang.

Overview: This study by Evans (2010) provides a rich narrative of young adult male identity as experienced in everyday life. The author immersed himself among a group of young men, participating in their activities and cultivating a deep understanding of their lifestyle, values, and motivations. This research exemplified the ethnographic approach, revealing complexities of the subjects’ identities and societal roles, which could hardly be accessed through other qualitative research designs.

Read my Full Guide on Ethnography Here

2. Autoethnography

Definition: Autoethnography is an approach to qualitative research where the researcher uses their own personal experiences to extend the understanding of a certain group, culture, or setting. Essentially, it allows for the exploration of self within the context of social phenomena.

Unlike traditional ethnography, which focuses on the study of others, autoethnography turns the ethnographic gaze inward, allowing the researcher to use their personal experiences within a culture as rich qualitative data (Durham, 2019).

The objective is to critically appraise one’s personal experiences as they navigate and negotiate cultural, political, and social meanings. The researcher becomes both the observer and the participant, intertwining personal and cultural experiences in the research.

Example of Autoethnographic Research

Title: “ A Day In The Life Of An NHS Nurse “

Citation: Osben, J. (2019). A day in the life of a NHS nurse in 21st Century Britain: An auto-ethnography. The Journal of Autoethnography for Health & Social Care. 1(1).

Overview: This study presents an autoethnography of a day in the life of an NHS nurse (who, of course, is also the researcher). The author uses the research to achieve reflexivity, with the researcher concluding: “Scrutinising my practice and situating it within a wider contextual backdrop has compelled me to significantly increase my level of scrutiny into the driving forces that influence my practice.”

Read my Full Guide on Autoethnography Here

3. Semi-Structured Interviews

Definition: Semi-structured interviews stand as one of the most frequently used methods in qualitative research. These interviews are planned and utilize a set of pre-established questions, but also allow for the interviewer to steer the conversation in other directions based on the responses given by the interviewee.

In semi-structured interviews, the interviewer prepares a guide that outlines the focal points of the discussion. However, the interview is flexible, allowing for more in-depth probing if the interviewer deems it necessary (Qu, & Dumay, 2011). This style of interviewing strikes a balance between structured ones which might limit the discussion, and unstructured ones, which could lack focus.

Example of Semi-Structured Interview Research

Title: “ Factors influencing adherence to cancer treatment in older adults with cancer: a systematic review “

Citation: Puts, M., et al. (2014). Factors influencing adherence to cancer treatment in older adults with cancer: a systematic review. Annals of oncology, 25 (3), 564-577.

Overview: Puts et al. (2014) executed an extensive systematic review in which they conducted semi-structured interviews with older adults suffering from cancer to examine the factors influencing their adherence to cancer treatment. The findings suggested that various factors, including side effects, faith in healthcare professionals, and social support have substantial impacts on treatment adherence. This research demonstrates how semi-structured interviews can provide rich and profound insights into the subjective experiences of patients.

4. Focus Groups

Definition: Focus groups are a qualitative research method that involves organized discussion with a selected group of individuals to gain their perspectives on a specific concept, product, or phenomenon. Typically, these discussions are guided by a moderator.

During a focus group session, the moderator has a list of questions or topics to discuss, and participants are encouraged to interact with each other (Morgan, 2010). This interactivity can stimulate more information and provide a broader understanding of the issue under scrutiny. The open format allows participants to ask questions and respond freely, offering invaluable insights into attitudes, experiences, and group norms.

Example of Focus Group Research

Title: “ Perspectives of Older Adults on Aging Well: A Focus Group Study “

Citation: Halaweh, H., Dahlin-Ivanoff, S., Svantesson, U., & Willén, C. (2018). Perspectives of older adults on aging well: a focus group study. Journal of aging research .

Overview: This study aimed to explore what older adults (aged 60 years and older) perceived to be ‘aging well’. The researchers identified three major themes from their focus group interviews: a sense of well-being, having good physical health, and preserving good mental health. The findings highlight the importance of factors such as positive emotions, social engagement, physical activity, healthy eating habits, and maintaining independence in promoting aging well among older adults.

5. Phenomenology

Definition: Phenomenology, a qualitative research method, involves the examination of lived experiences to gain an in-depth understanding of the essence or underlying meanings of a phenomenon.

The focus of phenomenology lies in meticulously describing participants’ conscious experiences related to the chosen phenomenon (Padilla-Díaz, 2015).

In a phenomenological study, the researcher collects detailed, first-hand perspectives of the participants, typically via in-depth interviews, and then uses various strategies to interpret and structure these experiences, ultimately revealing essential themes (Creswell, 2013). This approach focuses on the perspective of individuals experiencing the phenomenon, seeking to explore, clarify, and understand the meanings they attach to those experiences.

Example of Phenomenology Research

Title: “ A phenomenological approach to experiences with technology: current state, promise, and future directions for research ”

Citation: Cilesiz, S. (2011). A phenomenological approach to experiences with technology: Current state, promise, and future directions for research. Educational Technology Research and Development, 59 , 487-510.

Overview: A phenomenological approach to experiences with technology by Sebnem Cilesiz represents a good starting point for formulating a phenomenological study. With its focus on the ‘essence of experience’, this piece presents methodological, reliability, validity, and data analysis techniques that phenomenologists use to explain how people experience technology in their everyday lives.

6. Grounded Theory

Definition: Grounded theory is a systematic methodology in qualitative research that typically applies inductive reasoning . The primary aim is to develop a theoretical explanation or framework for a process, action, or interaction grounded in, and arising from, empirical data (Birks & Mills, 2015).

In grounded theory, data collection and analysis work together in a recursive process. The researcher collects data, analyses it, and then collects more data based on the evolving understanding of the research context. This ongoing process continues until a comprehensive theory that represents the data and the associated phenomenon emerges – a point known as theoretical saturation (Charmaz, 2014).

Example of Grounded Theory Research

Title: “ Student Engagement in High School Classrooms from the Perspective of Flow Theory “

Citation: Shernoff, D. J., Csikszentmihalyi, M., Shneider, B., & Shernoff, E. S. (2003). Student engagement in high school classrooms from the perspective of flow theory. School Psychology Quarterly, 18 (2), 158–176.

Overview: Shernoff and colleagues (2003) used grounded theory to explore student engagement in high school classrooms. The researchers collected data through student self-reports, interviews, and observations. Key findings revealed that academic challenge, student autonomy, and teacher support emerged as the most significant factors influencing students’ engagement, demonstrating how grounded theory can illuminate complex dynamics within real-world contexts.

7. Narrative Research

Definition: Narrative research is a qualitative research method dedicated to storytelling and understanding how individuals experience the world. It focuses on studying an individual’s life and experiences as narrated by that individual (Polkinghorne, 2013).

In narrative research, the researcher collects data through methods such as interviews, observations , and document analysis. The emphasis is on the stories told by participants – narratives that reflect their experiences, thoughts, and feelings.

These stories are then interpreted by the researcher, who attempts to understand the meaning the participant attributes to these experiences (Josselson, 2011).

Example of Narrative Research

Title: “Narrative Structures and the Language of the Self”

Citation: McAdams, D. P., Josselson, R., & Lieblich, A. (2006). Identity and story: Creating self in narrative . American Psychological Association.

Overview: In this innovative study, McAdams et al. (2006) employed narrative research to explore how individuals construct their identities through the stories they tell about themselves. By examining personal narratives, the researchers discerned patterns associated with characters, motivations, conflicts, and resolutions, contributing valuable insights about the relationship between narrative and individual identity.

8. Case Study Research

Definition: Case study research is a qualitative research method that involves an in-depth investigation of a single instance or event: a case. These ‘cases’ can range from individuals, groups, or entities to specific projects, programs, or strategies (Creswell, 2013).

The case study method typically uses multiple sources of information for comprehensive contextual analysis. It aims to explore and understand the complexity and uniqueness of a particular case in a real-world context (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). This investigation could result in a detailed description of the case, a process for its development, or an exploration of a related issue or problem.

Example of Case Study Research

Title: “ Teacher’s Role in Fostering Preschoolers’ Computational Thinking: An Exploratory Case Study “

Citation: Wang, X. C., Choi, Y., Benson, K., Eggleston, C., & Weber, D. (2021). Teacher’s role in fostering preschoolers’ computational thinking: An exploratory case study. Early Education and Development , 32 (1), 26-48.

Overview: This study investigates the role of teachers in promoting computational thinking skills in preschoolers. The study utilized a qualitative case study methodology to examine the computational thinking scaffolding strategies employed by a teacher interacting with three preschoolers in a small group setting. The findings highlight the importance of teachers’ guidance in fostering computational thinking practices such as problem reformulation/decomposition, systematic testing, and debugging.

Read about some Famous Case Studies in Psychology Here

9. Participant Observation

Definition: Participant observation has the researcher immerse themselves in a group or community setting to observe the behavior of its members. It is similar to ethnography, but generally, the researcher isn’t embedded for a long period of time.

The researcher, being a participant, engages in daily activities, interactions, and events as a way of conducting a detailed study of a particular social phenomenon (Kawulich, 2005).

The method involves long-term engagement in the field, maintaining detailed records of observed events, informal interviews, direct participation, and reflexivity. This approach allows for a holistic view of the participants’ lived experiences, behaviours, and interactions within their everyday environment (Dewalt, 2011).

Example of Participant Observation Research

Title: Conflict in the boardroom: a participant observation study of supervisory board dynamics

Citation: Heemskerk, E. M., Heemskerk, K., & Wats, M. M. (2017). Conflict in the boardroom: a participant observation study of supervisory board dynamics. Journal of Management & Governance , 21 , 233-263.

Overview: This study examined how conflicts within corporate boards affect their performance. The researchers used a participant observation method, where they actively engaged with 11 supervisory boards and observed their dynamics. They found that having a shared understanding of the board’s role called a common framework, improved performance by reducing relationship conflicts, encouraging task conflicts, and minimizing conflicts between the board and CEO.

10. Non-Participant Observation

Definition: Non-participant observation is a qualitative research method in which the researcher observes the phenomena of interest without actively participating in the situation, setting, or community being studied.

This method allows the researcher to maintain a position of distance, as they are solely an observer and not a participant in the activities being observed (Kawulich, 2005).

During non-participant observation, the researcher typically records field notes on the actions, interactions, and behaviors observed , focusing on specific aspects of the situation deemed relevant to the research question.

This could include verbal and nonverbal communication , activities, interactions, and environmental contexts (Angrosino, 2007). They could also use video or audio recordings or other methods to collect data.

Example of Non-Participant Observation Research

Title: Mental Health Nurses’ attitudes towards mental illness and recovery-oriented practice in acute inpatient psychiatric units: A non-participant observation study

Citation: Sreeram, A., Cross, W. M., & Townsin, L. (2023). Mental Health Nurses’ attitudes towards mental illness and recovery‐oriented practice in acute inpatient psychiatric units: A non‐participant observation study. International Journal of Mental Health Nursing .

Overview: This study investigated the attitudes of mental health nurses towards mental illness and recovery-oriented practice in acute inpatient psychiatric units. The researchers used a non-participant observation method, meaning they observed the nurses without directly participating in their activities. The findings shed light on the nurses’ perspectives and behaviors, providing valuable insights into their attitudes toward mental health and recovery-focused care in these settings.

11. Content Analysis

Definition: Content Analysis involves scrutinizing textual, visual, or spoken content to categorize and quantify information. The goal is to identify patterns, themes, biases, or other characteristics (Hsieh & Shannon, 2005).

Content Analysis is widely used in various disciplines for a multitude of purposes. Researchers typically use this method to distill large amounts of unstructured data, like interview transcripts, newspaper articles, or social media posts, into manageable and meaningful chunks.

When wielded appropriately, Content Analysis can illuminate the density and frequency of certain themes within a dataset, provide insights into how specific terms or concepts are applied contextually, and offer inferences about the meanings of their content and use (Duriau, Reger, & Pfarrer, 2007).

Example of Content Analysis

Title: Framing European politics: A content analysis of press and television news .

Citation: Semetko, H. A., & Valkenburg, P. M. (2000). Framing European politics: A content analysis of press and television news. Journal of Communication, 50 (2), 93-109.

Overview: This study analyzed press and television news articles about European politics using a method called content analysis. The researchers examined the prevalence of different “frames” in the news, which are ways of presenting information to shape audience perceptions. They found that the most common frames were attribution of responsibility, conflict, economic consequences, human interest, and morality.

Read my Full Guide on Content Analysis Here

12. Discourse Analysis

Definition: Discourse Analysis, a qualitative research method, interprets the meanings, functions, and coherence of certain languages in context.

Discourse analysis is typically understood through social constructionism, critical theory , and poststructuralism and used for understanding how language constructs social concepts (Cheek, 2004).

Discourse Analysis offers great breadth, providing tools to examine spoken or written language, often beyond the level of the sentence. It enables researchers to scrutinize how text and talk articulate social and political interactions and hierarchies.

Insight can be garnered from different conversations, institutional text, and media coverage to understand how topics are addressed or framed within a specific social context (Jorgensen & Phillips, 2002).

Example of Discourse Analysis

Title: The construction of teacher identities in educational policy documents: A critical discourse analysis

Citation: Thomas, S. (2005). The construction of teacher identities in educational policy documents: A critical discourse analysis. Critical Studies in Education, 46 (2), 25-44.

Overview: The author examines how an education policy in one state of Australia positions teacher professionalism and teacher identities. While there are competing discourses about professional identity, the policy framework privileges a  narrative that frames the ‘good’ teacher as one that accepts ever-tightening control and regulation over their professional practice.

Read my Full Guide on Discourse Analysis Here

13. Action Research

Definition: Action Research is a qualitative research technique that is employed to bring about change while simultaneously studying the process and results of that change.

This method involves a cyclical process of fact-finding, action, evaluation, and reflection (Greenwood & Levin, 2016).

Typically, Action Research is used in the fields of education, social sciences , and community development. The process isn’t just about resolving an issue but also developing knowledge that can be used in the future to address similar or related problems.

The researcher plays an active role in the research process, which is normally broken down into four steps: 

  • developing a plan to improve what is currently being done
  • implementing the plan
  • observing the effects of the plan, and
  • reflecting upon these effects (Smith, 2010).

Example of Action Research

Title: Using Digital Sandbox Gaming to Improve Creativity Within Boys’ Writing

Citation: Ellison, M., & Drew, C. (2020). Using digital sandbox gaming to improve creativity within boys’ writing. Journal of Research in Childhood Education , 34 (2), 277-287.

Overview: This was a research study one of my research students completed in his own classroom under my supervision. He implemented a digital game-based approach to literacy teaching with boys and interviewed his students to see if the use of games as stimuli for storytelling helped draw them into the learning experience.

Read my Full Guide on Action Research Here

14. Semiotic Analysis

Definition: Semiotic Analysis is a qualitative method of research that interprets signs and symbols in communication to understand sociocultural phenomena. It stems from semiotics, the study of signs and symbols and their use or interpretation (Chandler, 2017).

In a Semiotic Analysis, signs (anything that represents something else) are interpreted based on their significance and the role they play in representing ideas.

This type of research often involves the examination of images, sounds, and word choice to uncover the embedded sociocultural meanings. For example, an advertisement for a car might be studied to learn more about societal views on masculinity or success (Berger, 2010).

Example of Semiotic Research

Title: Shielding the learned body: a semiotic analysis of school badges in New South Wales, Australia

Citation: Symes, C. (2023). Shielding the learned body: a semiotic analysis of school badges in New South Wales, Australia. Semiotica , 2023 (250), 167-190.

Overview: This study examines school badges in New South Wales, Australia, and explores their significance through a semiotic analysis. The badges, which are part of the school’s visual identity, are seen as symbolic representations that convey meanings. The analysis reveals that these badges often draw on heraldic models, incorporating elements like colors, names, motifs, and mottoes that reflect local culture and history, thus connecting students to their national identity. Additionally, the study highlights how some schools have shifted from traditional badges to modern logos and slogans, reflecting a more business-oriented approach.

15. Qualitative Longitudinal Studies

Definition: Qualitative Longitudinal Studies are a research method that involves repeated observation of the same items over an extended period of time.

Unlike a snapshot perspective, this method aims to piece together individual histories and examine the influences and impacts of change (Neale, 2019).

Qualitative Longitudinal Studies provide an in-depth understanding of change as it happens, including changes in people’s lives, their perceptions, and their behaviors.

For instance, this method could be used to follow a group of students through their schooling years to understand the evolution of their learning behaviors and attitudes towards education (Saldaña, 2003).

Example of Qualitative Longitudinal Research

Title: Patient and caregiver perspectives on managing pain in advanced cancer: a qualitative longitudinal study

Citation: Hackett, J., Godfrey, M., & Bennett, M. I. (2016). Patient and caregiver perspectives on managing pain in advanced cancer: a qualitative longitudinal study.  Palliative medicine ,  30 (8), 711-719.

Overview: This article examines how patients and their caregivers manage pain in advanced cancer through a qualitative longitudinal study. The researchers interviewed patients and caregivers at two different time points and collected audio diaries to gain insights into their experiences, making this study longitudinal.

Read my Full Guide on Longitudinal Research Here

16. Open-Ended Surveys

Definition: Open-Ended Surveys are a type of qualitative research method where respondents provide answers in their own words. Unlike closed-ended surveys, which limit responses to predefined options, open-ended surveys allow for expansive and unsolicited explanations (Fink, 2013).

Open-ended surveys are commonly used in a range of fields, from market research to social studies. As they don’t force respondents into predefined response categories, these surveys help to draw out rich, detailed data that might uncover new variables or ideas.

For example, an open-ended survey might be used to understand customer opinions about a new product or service (Lavrakas, 2008).

Contrast this to a quantitative closed-ended survey, like a Likert scale, which could theoretically help us to come up with generalizable data but is restricted by the questions on the questionnaire, meaning new and surprising data and insights can’t emerge from the survey results in the same way.

Example of Open-Ended Survey Research

Title: Advantages and disadvantages of technology in relationships: Findings from an open-ended survey

Citation: Hertlein, K. M., & Ancheta, K. (2014). Advantages and disadvantages of technology in relationships: Findings from an open-ended survey.  The Qualitative Report ,  19 (11), 1-11.

Overview: This article examines the advantages and disadvantages of technology in couple relationships through an open-ended survey method. Researchers analyzed responses from 410 undergraduate students to understand how technology affects relationships. They found that technology can contribute to relationship development, management, and enhancement, but it can also create challenges such as distancing, lack of clarity, and impaired trust.

17. Naturalistic Observation

Definition: Naturalistic Observation is a type of qualitative research method that involves observing individuals in their natural environments without interference or manipulation by the researcher.

Naturalistic observation is often used when conducting research on behaviors that cannot be controlled or manipulated in a laboratory setting (Kawulich, 2005).

It is frequently used in the fields of psychology, sociology, and anthropology. For instance, to understand the social dynamics in a schoolyard, a researcher could spend time observing the children interact during their recess, noting their behaviors, interactions, and conflicts without imposing their presence on the children’s activities (Forsyth, 2010).

Example of Naturalistic Observation Research

Title: Dispositional mindfulness in daily life: A naturalistic observation study

Citation: Kaplan, D. M., Raison, C. L., Milek, A., Tackman, A. M., Pace, T. W., & Mehl, M. R. (2018). Dispositional mindfulness in daily life: A naturalistic observation study. PloS one , 13 (11), e0206029.

Overview: In this study, researchers conducted two studies: one exploring assumptions about mindfulness and behavior, and the other using naturalistic observation to examine actual behavioral manifestations of mindfulness. They found that trait mindfulness is associated with a heightened perceptual focus in conversations, suggesting that being mindful is expressed primarily through sharpened attention rather than observable behavioral or social differences.

Read my Full Guide on Naturalistic Observation Here

18. Photo-Elicitation

Definition: Photo-elicitation utilizes photographs as a means to trigger discussions and evoke responses during interviews. This strategy aids in bringing out topics of discussion that may not emerge through verbal prompting alone (Harper, 2002).

Traditionally, Photo-Elicitation has been useful in various fields such as education, psychology, and sociology. The method involves the researcher or participants taking photographs, which are then used as prompts for discussion.

For instance, a researcher studying urban environmental issues might invite participants to photograph areas in their neighborhood that they perceive as environmentally detrimental, and then discuss each photo in depth (Clark-Ibáñez, 2004).

Example of Photo-Elicitation Research

Title: Early adolescent food routines: A photo-elicitation study

Citation: Green, E. M., Spivak, C., & Dollahite, J. S. (2021). Early adolescent food routines: A photo-elicitation study. Appetite, 158 .

Overview: This study focused on early adolescents (ages 10-14) and their food routines. Researchers conducted in-depth interviews using a photo-elicitation approach, where participants took photos related to their food choices and experiences. Through analysis, the study identified various routines and three main themes: family, settings, and meals/foods consumed, revealing how early adolescents view and are influenced by their eating routines.

Features of Qualitative Research

Qualitative research is a research method focused on understanding the meaning individuals or groups attribute to a social or human problem (Creswell, 2013).

Some key features of this method include:

  • Naturalistic Inquiry: Qualitative research happens in the natural setting of the phenomena, aiming to understand “real world” situations (Patton, 2015). This immersion in the field or subject allows the researcher to gather a deep understanding of the subject matter.
  • Emphasis on Process: It aims to understand how events unfold over time rather than focusing solely on outcomes (Merriam & Tisdell, 2015). The process-oriented nature of qualitative research allows researchers to investigate sequences, timing, and changes.
  • Interpretive: It involves interpreting and making sense of phenomena in terms of the meanings people assign to them (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011). This interpretive element allows for rich, nuanced insights into human behavior and experiences.
  • Holistic Perspective: Qualitative research seeks to understand the whole phenomenon rather than focusing on individual components (Creswell, 2013). It emphasizes the complex interplay of factors, providing a richer, more nuanced view of the research subject.
  • Prioritizes Depth over Breadth: Qualitative research favors depth of understanding over breadth, typically involving a smaller but more focused sample size (Hennink, Hutter, & Bailey, 2020). This enables detailed exploration of the phenomena of interest, often leading to rich and complex data.

Qualitative vs Quantitative Research

Qualitative research centers on exploring and understanding the meaning individuals or groups attribute to a social or human problem (Creswell, 2013).

It involves an in-depth approach to the subject matter, aiming to capture the richness and complexity of human experience.

Examples include conducting interviews, observing behaviors, or analyzing text and images.

There are strengths inherent in this approach. In its focus on understanding subjective experiences and interpretations, qualitative research can yield rich and detailed data that quantitative research may overlook (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011).

Additionally, qualitative research is adaptive, allowing the researcher to respond to new directions and insights as they emerge during the research process.

However, there are also limitations. Because of the interpretive nature of this research, findings may not be generalizable to a broader population (Marshall & Rossman, 2014). Well-designed quantitative research, on the other hand, can be generalizable.

Moreover, the reliability and validity of qualitative data can be challenging to establish due to its subjective nature, unlike quantitative research, which is ideally more objective.

Compare Qualitative and Quantitative Research Methodologies in This Guide Here

In conclusion, qualitative research methods provide distinctive ways to explore social phenomena and understand nuances that quantitative approaches might overlook. Each method, from Ethnography to Photo-Elicitation, presents its strengths and weaknesses but they all offer valuable means of investigating complex, real-world situations. The goal for the researcher is not to find a definitive tool, but to employ the method best suited for their research questions and the context at hand (Almalki, 2016). Above all, these methods underscore the richness of human experience and deepen our understanding of the world around us.

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McAdams, D. P., Josselson, R., & Lieblich, A. (2006). Identity and story: Creating self in narrative. American Psychological Association.

Merriam, S. B., & Tisdell, E. J. (2015). Qualitative Research: A Guide to Design and Implementation. Jossey-Bass.

Mick, D. G. (1986). Consumer Research and Semiotics: Exploring the Morphology of Signs, Symbols, and Significance. Journal of Consumer Research, 13 (2), 196-213.

Morgan, D. L. (2010). Focus groups as qualitative research. Sage Publications.

Mulhall, A. (2003). In the field: notes on observation in qualitative research. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 41 (3), 306-313.

Neale, B. (2019). What is Qualitative Longitudinal Research? Bloomsbury Publishing.

Nolan, L. B., & Renderos, T. B. (2012). A focus group study on the influence of fatalism and religiosity on cancer risk perceptions in rural, eastern North Carolina. Journal of religion and health, 51 (1), 91-104.

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Patton, M. Q. (2015). Qualitative research & evaluation methods: Integrating theory and practice . Sage Publications.

Polkinghorne, D. E. (2013). Narrative configuration in qualitative analysis. In Life history and narrative. Routledge.

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Chris

Chris Drew (PhD)

Dr. Chris Drew is the founder of the Helpful Professor. He holds a PhD in education and has published over 20 articles in scholarly journals. He is the former editor of the Journal of Learning Development in Higher Education. [Image Descriptor: Photo of Chris]

  • Chris Drew (PhD) https://helpfulprofessor.com/author/chris-drew-phd/ 15 Animism Examples
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  • Chris Drew (PhD) https://helpfulprofessor.com/author/chris-drew-phd/ Social-Emotional Learning (Definition, Examples, Pros & Cons)
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Chapter 1. Introduction

“Science is in danger, and for that reason it is becoming dangerous” -Pierre Bourdieu, Science of Science and Reflexivity

Why an Open Access Textbook on Qualitative Research Methods?

I have been teaching qualitative research methods to both undergraduates and graduate students for many years.  Although there are some excellent textbooks out there, they are often costly, and none of them, to my mind, properly introduces qualitative research methods to the beginning student (whether undergraduate or graduate student).  In contrast, this open-access textbook is designed as a (free) true introduction to the subject, with helpful, practical pointers on how to conduct research and how to access more advanced instruction.  

Textbooks are typically arranged in one of two ways: (1) by technique (each chapter covers one method used in qualitative research); or (2) by process (chapters advance from research design through publication).  But both of these approaches are necessary for the beginner student.  This textbook will have sections dedicated to the process as well as the techniques of qualitative research.  This is a true “comprehensive” book for the beginning student.  In addition to covering techniques of data collection and data analysis, it provides a road map of how to get started and how to keep going and where to go for advanced instruction.  It covers aspects of research design and research communication as well as methods employed.  Along the way, it includes examples from many different disciplines in the social sciences.

The primary goal has been to create a useful, accessible, engaging textbook for use across many disciplines.  And, let’s face it.  Textbooks can be boring.  I hope readers find this to be a little different.  I have tried to write in a practical and forthright manner, with many lively examples and references to good and intellectually creative qualitative research.  Woven throughout the text are short textual asides (in colored textboxes) by professional (academic) qualitative researchers in various disciplines.  These short accounts by practitioners should help inspire students.  So, let’s begin!

What is Research?

When we use the word research , what exactly do we mean by that?  This is one of those words that everyone thinks they understand, but it is worth beginning this textbook with a short explanation.  We use the term to refer to “empirical research,” which is actually a historically specific approach to understanding the world around us.  Think about how you know things about the world. [1] You might know your mother loves you because she’s told you she does.  Or because that is what “mothers” do by tradition.  Or you might know because you’ve looked for evidence that she does, like taking care of you when you are sick or reading to you in bed or working two jobs so you can have the things you need to do OK in life.  Maybe it seems churlish to look for evidence; you just take it “on faith” that you are loved.

Only one of the above comes close to what we mean by research.  Empirical research is research (investigation) based on evidence.  Conclusions can then be drawn from observable data.  This observable data can also be “tested” or checked.  If the data cannot be tested, that is a good indication that we are not doing research.  Note that we can never “prove” conclusively, through observable data, that our mothers love us.  We might have some “disconfirming evidence” (that time she didn’t show up to your graduation, for example) that could push you to question an original hypothesis , but no amount of “confirming evidence” will ever allow us to say with 100% certainty, “my mother loves me.”  Faith and tradition and authority work differently.  Our knowledge can be 100% certain using each of those alternative methods of knowledge, but our certainty in those cases will not be based on facts or evidence.

For many periods of history, those in power have been nervous about “science” because it uses evidence and facts as the primary source of understanding the world, and facts can be at odds with what power or authority or tradition want you to believe.  That is why I say that scientific empirical research is a historically specific approach to understand the world.  You are in college or university now partly to learn how to engage in this historically specific approach.

In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Europe, there was a newfound respect for empirical research, some of which was seriously challenging to the established church.  Using observations and testing them, scientists found that the earth was not at the center of the universe, for example, but rather that it was but one planet of many which circled the sun. [2]   For the next two centuries, the science of astronomy, physics, biology, and chemistry emerged and became disciplines taught in universities.  All used the scientific method of observation and testing to advance knowledge.  Knowledge about people , however, and social institutions, however, was still left to faith, tradition, and authority.  Historians and philosophers and poets wrote about the human condition, but none of them used research to do so. [3]

It was not until the nineteenth century that “social science” really emerged, using the scientific method (empirical observation) to understand people and social institutions.  New fields of sociology, economics, political science, and anthropology emerged.  The first sociologists, people like Auguste Comte and Karl Marx, sought specifically to apply the scientific method of research to understand society, Engels famously claiming that Marx had done for the social world what Darwin did for the natural world, tracings its laws of development.  Today we tend to take for granted the naturalness of science here, but it is actually a pretty recent and radical development.

To return to the question, “does your mother love you?”  Well, this is actually not really how a researcher would frame the question, as it is too specific to your case.  It doesn’t tell us much about the world at large, even if it does tell us something about you and your relationship with your mother.  A social science researcher might ask, “do mothers love their children?”  Or maybe they would be more interested in how this loving relationship might change over time (e.g., “do mothers love their children more now than they did in the 18th century when so many children died before reaching adulthood?”) or perhaps they might be interested in measuring quality of love across cultures or time periods, or even establishing “what love looks like” using the mother/child relationship as a site of exploration.  All of these make good research questions because we can use observable data to answer them.

What is Qualitative Research?

“All we know is how to learn. How to study, how to listen, how to talk, how to tell.  If we don’t tell the world, we don’t know the world.  We’re lost in it, we die.” -Ursula LeGuin, The Telling

At its simplest, qualitative research is research about the social world that does not use numbers in its analyses.  All those who fear statistics can breathe a sigh of relief – there are no mathematical formulae or regression models in this book! But this definition is less about what qualitative research can be and more about what it is not.  To be honest, any simple statement will fail to capture the power and depth of qualitative research.  One way of contrasting qualitative research to quantitative research is to note that the focus of qualitative research is less about explaining and predicting relationships between variables and more about understanding the social world.  To use our mother love example, the question about “what love looks like” is a good question for the qualitative researcher while all questions measuring love or comparing incidences of love (both of which require measurement) are good questions for quantitative researchers. Patton writes,

Qualitative data describe.  They take us, as readers, into the time and place of the observation so that we know what it was like to have been there.  They capture and communicate someone else’s experience of the world in his or her own words.  Qualitative data tell a story. ( Patton 2002:47 )

Qualitative researchers are asking different questions about the world than their quantitative colleagues.  Even when researchers are employed in “mixed methods” research ( both quantitative and qualitative), they are using different methods to address different questions of the study.  I do a lot of research about first-generation and working-college college students.  Where a quantitative researcher might ask, how many first-generation college students graduate from college within four years? Or does first-generation college status predict high student debt loads?  A qualitative researcher might ask, how does the college experience differ for first-generation college students?  What is it like to carry a lot of debt, and how does this impact the ability to complete college on time?  Both sets of questions are important, but they can only be answered using specific tools tailored to those questions.  For the former, you need large numbers to make adequate comparisons.  For the latter, you need to talk to people, find out what they are thinking and feeling, and try to inhabit their shoes for a little while so you can make sense of their experiences and beliefs.

Examples of Qualitative Research

You have probably seen examples of qualitative research before, but you might not have paid particular attention to how they were produced or realized that the accounts you were reading were the result of hours, months, even years of research “in the field.”  A good qualitative researcher will present the product of their hours of work in such a way that it seems natural, even obvious, to the reader.  Because we are trying to convey what it is like answers, qualitative research is often presented as stories – stories about how people live their lives, go to work, raise their children, interact with one another.  In some ways, this can seem like reading particularly insightful novels.  But, unlike novels, there are very specific rules and guidelines that qualitative researchers follow to ensure that the “story” they are telling is accurate , a truthful rendition of what life is like for the people being studied.  Most of this textbook will be spent conveying those rules and guidelines.  Let’s take a look, first, however, at three examples of what the end product looks like.  I have chosen these three examples to showcase very different approaches to qualitative research, and I will return to these five examples throughout the book.  They were all published as whole books (not chapters or articles), and they are worth the long read, if you have the time.  I will also provide some information on how these books came to be and the length of time it takes to get them into book version.  It is important you know about this process, and the rest of this textbook will help explain why it takes so long to conduct good qualitative research!

Example 1 : The End Game (ethnography + interviews)

Corey Abramson is a sociologist who teaches at the University of Arizona.   In 2015 he published The End Game: How Inequality Shapes our Final Years ( 2015 ). This book was based on the research he did for his dissertation at the University of California-Berkeley in 2012.  Actually, the dissertation was completed in 2012 but the work that was produced that took several years.  The dissertation was entitled, “This is How We Live, This is How We Die: Social Stratification, Aging, and Health in Urban America” ( 2012 ).  You can see how the book version, which was written for a more general audience, has a more engaging sound to it, but that the dissertation version, which is what academic faculty read and evaluate, has a more descriptive title.  You can read the title and know that this is a study about aging and health and that the focus is going to be inequality and that the context (place) is going to be “urban America.”  It’s a study about “how” people do something – in this case, how they deal with aging and death.  This is the very first sentence of the dissertation, “From our first breath in the hospital to the day we die, we live in a society characterized by unequal opportunities for maintaining health and taking care of ourselves when ill.  These disparities reflect persistent racial, socio-economic, and gender-based inequalities and contribute to their persistence over time” ( 1 ).  What follows is a truthful account of how that is so.

Cory Abramson spent three years conducting his research in four different urban neighborhoods.  We call the type of research he conducted “comparative ethnographic” because he designed his study to compare groups of seniors as they went about their everyday business.  It’s comparative because he is comparing different groups (based on race, class, gender) and ethnographic because he is studying the culture/way of life of a group. [4]   He had an educated guess, rooted in what previous research had shown and what social theory would suggest, that people’s experiences of aging differ by race, class, and gender.  So, he set up a research design that would allow him to observe differences.  He chose two primarily middle-class (one was racially diverse and the other was predominantly White) and two primarily poor neighborhoods (one was racially diverse and the other was predominantly African American).  He hung out in senior centers and other places seniors congregated, watched them as they took the bus to get prescriptions filled, sat in doctor’s offices with them, and listened to their conversations with each other.  He also conducted more formal conversations, what we call in-depth interviews, with sixty seniors from each of the four neighborhoods.  As with a lot of fieldwork , as he got closer to the people involved, he both expanded and deepened his reach –

By the end of the project, I expanded my pool of general observations to include various settings frequented by seniors: apartment building common rooms, doctors’ offices, emergency rooms, pharmacies, senior centers, bars, parks, corner stores, shopping centers, pool halls, hair salons, coffee shops, and discount stores. Over the course of the three years of fieldwork, I observed hundreds of elders, and developed close relationships with a number of them. ( 2012:10 )

When Abramson rewrote the dissertation for a general audience and published his book in 2015, it got a lot of attention.  It is a beautifully written book and it provided insight into a common human experience that we surprisingly know very little about.  It won the Outstanding Publication Award by the American Sociological Association Section on Aging and the Life Course and was featured in the New York Times .  The book was about aging, and specifically how inequality shapes the aging process, but it was also about much more than that.  It helped show how inequality affects people’s everyday lives.  For example, by observing the difficulties the poor had in setting up appointments and getting to them using public transportation and then being made to wait to see a doctor, sometimes in standing-room-only situations, when they are unwell, and then being treated dismissively by hospital staff, Abramson allowed readers to feel the material reality of being poor in the US.  Comparing these examples with seniors with adequate supplemental insurance who have the resources to hire car services or have others assist them in arranging care when they need it, jolts the reader to understand and appreciate the difference money makes in the lives and circumstances of us all, and in a way that is different than simply reading a statistic (“80% of the poor do not keep regular doctor’s appointments”) does.  Qualitative research can reach into spaces and places that often go unexamined and then reports back to the rest of us what it is like in those spaces and places.

Example 2: Racing for Innocence (Interviews + Content Analysis + Fictional Stories)

Jennifer Pierce is a Professor of American Studies at the University of Minnesota.  Trained as a sociologist, she has written a number of books about gender, race, and power.  Her very first book, Gender Trials: Emotional Lives in Contemporary Law Firms, published in 1995, is a brilliant look at gender dynamics within two law firms.  Pierce was a participant observer, working as a paralegal, and she observed how female lawyers and female paralegals struggled to obtain parity with their male colleagues.

Fifteen years later, she reexamined the context of the law firm to include an examination of racial dynamics, particularly how elite white men working in these spaces created and maintained a culture that made it difficult for both female attorneys and attorneys of color to thrive. Her book, Racing for Innocence: Whiteness, Gender, and the Backlash Against Affirmative Action , published in 2012, is an interesting and creative blending of interviews with attorneys, content analyses of popular films during this period, and fictional accounts of racial discrimination and sexual harassment.  The law firm she chose to study had come under an affirmative action order and was in the process of implementing equitable policies and programs.  She wanted to understand how recipients of white privilege (the elite white male attorneys) come to deny the role they play in reproducing inequality.  Through interviews with attorneys who were present both before and during the affirmative action order, she creates a historical record of the “bad behavior” that necessitated new policies and procedures, but also, and more importantly , probed the participants ’ understanding of this behavior.  It should come as no surprise that most (but not all) of the white male attorneys saw little need for change, and that almost everyone else had accounts that were different if not sometimes downright harrowing.

I’ve used Pierce’s book in my qualitative research methods courses as an example of an interesting blend of techniques and presentation styles.  My students often have a very difficult time with the fictional accounts she includes.  But they serve an important communicative purpose here.  They are her attempts at presenting “both sides” to an objective reality – something happens (Pierce writes this something so it is very clear what it is), and the two participants to the thing that happened have very different understandings of what this means.  By including these stories, Pierce presents one of her key findings – people remember things differently and these different memories tend to support their own ideological positions.  I wonder what Pierce would have written had she studied the murder of George Floyd or the storming of the US Capitol on January 6 or any number of other historic events whose observers and participants record very different happenings.

This is not to say that qualitative researchers write fictional accounts.  In fact, the use of fiction in our work remains controversial.  When used, it must be clearly identified as a presentation device, as Pierce did.  I include Racing for Innocence here as an example of the multiple uses of methods and techniques and the way that these work together to produce better understandings by us, the readers, of what Pierce studied.  We readers come away with a better grasp of how and why advantaged people understate their own involvement in situations and structures that advantage them.  This is normal human behavior , in other words.  This case may have been about elite white men in law firms, but the general insights here can be transposed to other settings.  Indeed, Pierce argues that more research needs to be done about the role elites play in the reproduction of inequality in the workplace in general.

Example 3: Amplified Advantage (Mixed Methods: Survey Interviews + Focus Groups + Archives)

The final example comes from my own work with college students, particularly the ways in which class background affects the experience of college and outcomes for graduates.  I include it here as an example of mixed methods, and for the use of supplementary archival research.  I’ve done a lot of research over the years on first-generation, low-income, and working-class college students.  I am curious (and skeptical) about the possibility of social mobility today, particularly with the rising cost of college and growing inequality in general.  As one of the few people in my family to go to college, I didn’t grow up with a lot of examples of what college was like or how to make the most of it.  And when I entered graduate school, I realized with dismay that there were very few people like me there.  I worried about becoming too different from my family and friends back home.  And I wasn’t at all sure that I would ever be able to pay back the huge load of debt I was taking on.  And so I wrote my dissertation and first two books about working-class college students.  These books focused on experiences in college and the difficulties of navigating between family and school ( Hurst 2010a, 2012 ).  But even after all that research, I kept coming back to wondering if working-class students who made it through college had an equal chance at finding good jobs and happy lives,

What happens to students after college?  Do working-class students fare as well as their peers?  I knew from my own experience that barriers continued through graduate school and beyond, and that my debtload was higher than that of my peers, constraining some of the choices I made when I graduated.  To answer these questions, I designed a study of students attending small liberal arts colleges, the type of college that tried to equalize the experience of students by requiring all students to live on campus and offering small classes with lots of interaction with faculty.  These private colleges tend to have more money and resources so they can provide financial aid to low-income students.  They also attract some very wealthy students.  Because they enroll students across the class spectrum, I would be able to draw comparisons.  I ended up spending about four years collecting data, both a survey of more than 2000 students (which formed the basis for quantitative analyses) and qualitative data collection (interviews, focus groups, archival research, and participant observation).  This is what we call a “mixed methods” approach because we use both quantitative and qualitative data.  The survey gave me a large enough number of students that I could make comparisons of the how many kind, and to be able to say with some authority that there were in fact significant differences in experience and outcome by class (e.g., wealthier students earned more money and had little debt; working-class students often found jobs that were not in their chosen careers and were very affected by debt, upper-middle-class students were more likely to go to graduate school).  But the survey analyses could not explain why these differences existed.  For that, I needed to talk to people and ask them about their motivations and aspirations.  I needed to understand their perceptions of the world, and it is very hard to do this through a survey.

By interviewing students and recent graduates, I was able to discern particular patterns and pathways through college and beyond.  Specifically, I identified three versions of gameplay.  Upper-middle-class students, whose parents were themselves professionals (academics, lawyers, managers of non-profits), saw college as the first stage of their education and took classes and declared majors that would prepare them for graduate school.  They also spent a lot of time building their resumes, taking advantage of opportunities to help professors with their research, or study abroad.  This helped them gain admission to highly-ranked graduate schools and interesting jobs in the public sector.  In contrast, upper-class students, whose parents were wealthy and more likely to be engaged in business (as CEOs or other high-level directors), prioritized building social capital.  They did this by joining fraternities and sororities and playing club sports.  This helped them when they graduated as they called on friends and parents of friends to find them well-paying jobs.  Finally, low-income, first-generation, and working-class students were often adrift.  They took the classes that were recommended to them but without the knowledge of how to connect them to life beyond college.  They spent time working and studying rather than partying or building their resumes.  All three sets of students thought they were “doing college” the right way, the way that one was supposed to do college.   But these three versions of gameplay led to distinct outcomes that advantaged some students over others.  I titled my work “Amplified Advantage” to highlight this process.

These three examples, Cory Abramson’s The End Game , Jennifer Peirce’s Racing for Innocence, and my own Amplified Advantage, demonstrate the range of approaches and tools available to the qualitative researcher.  They also help explain why qualitative research is so important.  Numbers can tell us some things about the world, but they cannot get at the hearts and minds, motivations and beliefs of the people who make up the social worlds we inhabit.  For that, we need tools that allow us to listen and make sense of what people tell us and show us.  That is what good qualitative research offers us.

How Is This Book Organized?

This textbook is organized as a comprehensive introduction to the use of qualitative research methods.  The first half covers general topics (e.g., approaches to qualitative research, ethics) and research design (necessary steps for building a successful qualitative research study).  The second half reviews various data collection and data analysis techniques.  Of course, building a successful qualitative research study requires some knowledge of data collection and data analysis so the chapters in the first half and the chapters in the second half should be read in conversation with each other.  That said, each chapter can be read on its own for assistance with a particular narrow topic.  In addition to the chapters, a helpful glossary can be found in the back of the book.  Rummage around in the text as needed.

Chapter Descriptions

Chapter 2 provides an overview of the Research Design Process.  How does one begin a study? What is an appropriate research question?  How is the study to be done – with what methods ?  Involving what people and sites?  Although qualitative research studies can and often do change and develop over the course of data collection, it is important to have a good idea of what the aims and goals of your study are at the outset and a good plan of how to achieve those aims and goals.  Chapter 2 provides a road map of the process.

Chapter 3 describes and explains various ways of knowing the (social) world.  What is it possible for us to know about how other people think or why they behave the way they do?  What does it mean to say something is a “fact” or that it is “well-known” and understood?  Qualitative researchers are particularly interested in these questions because of the types of research questions we are interested in answering (the how questions rather than the how many questions of quantitative research).  Qualitative researchers have adopted various epistemological approaches.  Chapter 3 will explore these approaches, highlighting interpretivist approaches that acknowledge the subjective aspect of reality – in other words, reality and knowledge are not objective but rather influenced by (interpreted through) people.

Chapter 4 focuses on the practical matter of developing a research question and finding the right approach to data collection.  In any given study (think of Cory Abramson’s study of aging, for example), there may be years of collected data, thousands of observations , hundreds of pages of notes to read and review and make sense of.  If all you had was a general interest area (“aging”), it would be very difficult, nearly impossible, to make sense of all of that data.  The research question provides a helpful lens to refine and clarify (and simplify) everything you find and collect.  For that reason, it is important to pull out that lens (articulate the research question) before you get started.  In the case of the aging study, Cory Abramson was interested in how inequalities affected understandings and responses to aging.  It is for this reason he designed a study that would allow him to compare different groups of seniors (some middle-class, some poor).  Inevitably, he saw much more in the three years in the field than what made it into his book (or dissertation), but he was able to narrow down the complexity of the social world to provide us with this rich account linked to the original research question.  Developing a good research question is thus crucial to effective design and a successful outcome.  Chapter 4 will provide pointers on how to do this.  Chapter 4 also provides an overview of general approaches taken to doing qualitative research and various “traditions of inquiry.”

Chapter 5 explores sampling .  After you have developed a research question and have a general idea of how you will collect data (Observations?  Interviews?), how do you go about actually finding people and sites to study?  Although there is no “correct number” of people to interview , the sample should follow the research question and research design.  Unlike quantitative research, qualitative research involves nonprobability sampling.  Chapter 5 explains why this is so and what qualities instead make a good sample for qualitative research.

Chapter 6 addresses the importance of reflexivity in qualitative research.  Related to epistemological issues of how we know anything about the social world, qualitative researchers understand that we the researchers can never be truly neutral or outside the study we are conducting.  As observers, we see things that make sense to us and may entirely miss what is either too obvious to note or too different to comprehend.  As interviewers, as much as we would like to ask questions neutrally and remain in the background, interviews are a form of conversation, and the persons we interview are responding to us .  Therefore, it is important to reflect upon our social positions and the knowledges and expectations we bring to our work and to work through any blind spots that we may have.  Chapter 6 provides some examples of reflexivity in practice and exercises for thinking through one’s own biases.

Chapter 7 is a very important chapter and should not be overlooked.  As a practical matter, it should also be read closely with chapters 6 and 8.  Because qualitative researchers deal with people and the social world, it is imperative they develop and adhere to a strong ethical code for conducting research in a way that does not harm.  There are legal requirements and guidelines for doing so (see chapter 8), but these requirements should not be considered synonymous with the ethical code required of us.   Each researcher must constantly interrogate every aspect of their research, from research question to design to sample through analysis and presentation, to ensure that a minimum of harm (ideally, zero harm) is caused.  Because each research project is unique, the standards of care for each study are unique.  Part of being a professional researcher is carrying this code in one’s heart, being constantly attentive to what is required under particular circumstances.  Chapter 7 provides various research scenarios and asks readers to weigh in on the suitability and appropriateness of the research.  If done in a class setting, it will become obvious fairly quickly that there are often no absolutely correct answers, as different people find different aspects of the scenarios of greatest importance.  Minimizing the harm in one area may require possible harm in another.  Being attentive to all the ethical aspects of one’s research and making the best judgments one can, clearly and consciously, is an integral part of being a good researcher.

Chapter 8 , best to be read in conjunction with chapter 7, explains the role and importance of Institutional Review Boards (IRBs) .  Under federal guidelines, an IRB is an appropriately constituted group that has been formally designated to review and monitor research involving human subjects .  Every institution that receives funding from the federal government has an IRB.  IRBs have the authority to approve, require modifications to (to secure approval), or disapprove research.  This group review serves an important role in the protection of the rights and welfare of human research subjects.  Chapter 8 reviews the history of IRBs and the work they do but also argues that IRBs’ review of qualitative research is often both over-inclusive and under-inclusive.  Some aspects of qualitative research are not well understood by IRBs, given that they were developed to prevent abuses in biomedical research.  Thus, it is important not to rely on IRBs to identify all the potential ethical issues that emerge in our research (see chapter 7).

Chapter 9 provides help for getting started on formulating a research question based on gaps in the pre-existing literature.  Research is conducted as part of a community, even if particular studies are done by single individuals (or small teams).  What any of us finds and reports back becomes part of a much larger body of knowledge.  Thus, it is important that we look at the larger body of knowledge before we actually start our bit to see how we can best contribute.  When I first began interviewing working-class college students, there was only one other similar study I could find, and it hadn’t been published (it was a dissertation of students from poor backgrounds).  But there had been a lot published by professors who had grown up working class and made it through college despite the odds.  These accounts by “working-class academics” became an important inspiration for my study and helped me frame the questions I asked the students I interviewed.  Chapter 9 will provide some pointers on how to search for relevant literature and how to use this to refine your research question.

Chapter 10 serves as a bridge between the two parts of the textbook, by introducing techniques of data collection.  Qualitative research is often characterized by the form of data collection – for example, an ethnographic study is one that employs primarily observational data collection for the purpose of documenting and presenting a particular culture or ethnos.  Techniques can be effectively combined, depending on the research question and the aims and goals of the study.   Chapter 10 provides a general overview of all the various techniques and how they can be combined.

The second part of the textbook moves into the doing part of qualitative research once the research question has been articulated and the study designed.  Chapters 11 through 17 cover various data collection techniques and approaches.  Chapters 18 and 19 provide a very simple overview of basic data analysis.  Chapter 20 covers communication of the data to various audiences, and in various formats.

Chapter 11 begins our overview of data collection techniques with a focus on interviewing , the true heart of qualitative research.  This technique can serve as the primary and exclusive form of data collection, or it can be used to supplement other forms (observation, archival).  An interview is distinct from a survey, where questions are asked in a specific order and often with a range of predetermined responses available.  Interviews can be conversational and unstructured or, more conventionally, semistructured , where a general set of interview questions “guides” the conversation.  Chapter 11 covers the basics of interviews: how to create interview guides, how many people to interview, where to conduct the interview, what to watch out for (how to prepare against things going wrong), and how to get the most out of your interviews.

Chapter 12 covers an important variant of interviewing, the focus group.  Focus groups are semistructured interviews with a group of people moderated by a facilitator (the researcher or researcher’s assistant).  Focus groups explicitly use group interaction to assist in the data collection.  They are best used to collect data on a specific topic that is non-personal and shared among the group.  For example, asking a group of college students about a common experience such as taking classes by remote delivery during the pandemic year of 2020.  Chapter 12 covers the basics of focus groups: when to use them, how to create interview guides for them, and how to run them effectively.

Chapter 13 moves away from interviewing to the second major form of data collection unique to qualitative researchers – observation .  Qualitative research that employs observation can best be understood as falling on a continuum of “fly on the wall” observation (e.g., observing how strangers interact in a doctor’s waiting room) to “participant” observation, where the researcher is also an active participant of the activity being observed.  For example, an activist in the Black Lives Matter movement might want to study the movement, using her inside position to gain access to observe key meetings and interactions.  Chapter  13 covers the basics of participant observation studies: advantages and disadvantages, gaining access, ethical concerns related to insider/outsider status and entanglement, and recording techniques.

Chapter 14 takes a closer look at “deep ethnography” – immersion in the field of a particularly long duration for the purpose of gaining a deeper understanding and appreciation of a particular culture or social world.  Clifford Geertz called this “deep hanging out.”  Whereas participant observation is often combined with semistructured interview techniques, deep ethnography’s commitment to “living the life” or experiencing the situation as it really is demands more conversational and natural interactions with people.  These interactions and conversations may take place over months or even years.  As can be expected, there are some costs to this technique, as well as some very large rewards when done competently.  Chapter 14 provides some examples of deep ethnographies that will inspire some beginning researchers and intimidate others.

Chapter 15 moves in the opposite direction of deep ethnography, a technique that is the least positivist of all those discussed here, to mixed methods , a set of techniques that is arguably the most positivist .  A mixed methods approach combines both qualitative data collection and quantitative data collection, commonly by combining a survey that is analyzed statistically (e.g., cross-tabs or regression analyses of large number probability samples) with semi-structured interviews.  Although it is somewhat unconventional to discuss mixed methods in textbooks on qualitative research, I think it is important to recognize this often-employed approach here.  There are several advantages and some disadvantages to taking this route.  Chapter 16 will describe those advantages and disadvantages and provide some particular guidance on how to design a mixed methods study for maximum effectiveness.

Chapter 16 covers data collection that does not involve live human subjects at all – archival and historical research (chapter 17 will also cover data that does not involve interacting with human subjects).  Sometimes people are unavailable to us, either because they do not wish to be interviewed or observed (as is the case with many “elites”) or because they are too far away, in both place and time.  Fortunately, humans leave many traces and we can often answer questions we have by examining those traces.  Special collections and archives can be goldmines for social science research.  This chapter will explain how to access these places, for what purposes, and how to begin to make sense of what you find.

Chapter 17 covers another data collection area that does not involve face-to-face interaction with humans: content analysis .  Although content analysis may be understood more properly as a data analysis technique, the term is often used for the entire approach, which will be the case here.  Content analysis involves interpreting meaning from a body of text.  This body of text might be something found in historical records (see chapter 16) or something collected by the researcher, as in the case of comment posts on a popular blog post.  I once used the stories told by student loan debtors on the website studentloanjustice.org as the content I analyzed.  Content analysis is particularly useful when attempting to define and understand prevalent stories or communication about a topic of interest.  In other words, when we are less interested in what particular people (our defined sample) are doing or believing and more interested in what general narratives exist about a particular topic or issue.  This chapter will explore different approaches to content analysis and provide helpful tips on how to collect data, how to turn that data into codes for analysis, and how to go about presenting what is found through analysis.

Where chapter 17 has pushed us towards data analysis, chapters 18 and 19 are all about what to do with the data collected, whether that data be in the form of interview transcripts or fieldnotes from observations.  Chapter 18 introduces the basics of coding , the iterative process of assigning meaning to the data in order to both simplify and identify patterns.  What is a code and how does it work?  What are the different ways of coding data, and when should you use them?  What is a codebook, and why do you need one?  What does the process of data analysis look like?

Chapter 19 goes further into detail on codes and how to use them, particularly the later stages of coding in which our codes are refined, simplified, combined, and organized.  These later rounds of coding are essential to getting the most out of the data we’ve collected.  As students are often overwhelmed with the amount of data (a corpus of interview transcripts typically runs into the hundreds of pages; fieldnotes can easily top that), this chapter will also address time management and provide suggestions for dealing with chaos and reminders that feeling overwhelmed at the analysis stage is part of the process.  By the end of the chapter, you should understand how “findings” are actually found.

The book concludes with a chapter dedicated to the effective presentation of data results.  Chapter 20 covers the many ways that researchers communicate their studies to various audiences (academic, personal, political), what elements must be included in these various publications, and the hallmarks of excellent qualitative research that various audiences will be expecting.  Because qualitative researchers are motivated by understanding and conveying meaning , effective communication is not only an essential skill but a fundamental facet of the entire research project.  Ethnographers must be able to convey a certain sense of verisimilitude , the appearance of true reality.  Those employing interviews must faithfully depict the key meanings of the people they interviewed in a way that rings true to those people, even if the end result surprises them.  And all researchers must strive for clarity in their publications so that various audiences can understand what was found and why it is important.

The book concludes with a short chapter ( chapter 21 ) discussing the value of qualitative research. At the very end of this book, you will find a glossary of terms. I recommend you make frequent use of the glossary and add to each entry as you find examples. Although the entries are meant to be simple and clear, you may also want to paraphrase the definition—make it “make sense” to you, in other words. In addition to the standard reference list (all works cited here), you will find various recommendations for further reading at the end of many chapters. Some of these recommendations will be examples of excellent qualitative research, indicated with an asterisk (*) at the end of the entry. As they say, a picture is worth a thousand words. A good example of qualitative research can teach you more about conducting research than any textbook can (this one included). I highly recommend you select one to three examples from these lists and read them along with the textbook.

A final note on the choice of examples – you will note that many of the examples used in the text come from research on college students.  This is for two reasons.  First, as most of my research falls in this area, I am most familiar with this literature and have contacts with those who do research here and can call upon them to share their stories with you.  Second, and more importantly, my hope is that this textbook reaches a wide audience of beginning researchers who study widely and deeply across the range of what can be known about the social world (from marine resources management to public policy to nursing to political science to sexuality studies and beyond).  It is sometimes difficult to find examples that speak to all those research interests, however. A focus on college students is something that all readers can understand and, hopefully, appreciate, as we are all now or have been at some point a college student.

Recommended Reading: Other Qualitative Research Textbooks

I’ve included a brief list of some of my favorite qualitative research textbooks and guidebooks if you need more than what you will find in this introductory text.  For each, I’ve also indicated if these are for “beginning” or “advanced” (graduate-level) readers.  Many of these books have several editions that do not significantly vary; the edition recommended is merely the edition I have used in teaching and to whose page numbers any specific references made in the text agree.

Barbour, Rosaline. 2014. Introducing Qualitative Research: A Student’s Guide. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.  A good introduction to qualitative research, with abundant examples (often from the discipline of health care) and clear definitions.  Includes quick summaries at the ends of each chapter.  However, some US students might find the British context distracting and can be a bit advanced in some places.  Beginning .

Bloomberg, Linda Dale, and Marie F. Volpe. 2012. Completing Your Qualitative Dissertation . 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.  Specifically designed to guide graduate students through the research process. Advanced .

Creswell, John W., and Cheryl Poth. 2018 Qualitative Inquiry and Research Design: Choosing among Five Traditions .  4th ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.  This is a classic and one of the go-to books I used myself as a graduate student.  One of the best things about this text is its clear presentation of five distinct traditions in qualitative research.  Despite the title, this reasonably sized book is about more than research design, including both data analysis and how to write about qualitative research.  Advanced .

Lareau, Annette. 2021. Listening to People: A Practical Guide to Interviewing, Participant Observation, Data Analysis, and Writing It All Up .  Chicago: University of Chicago Press. A readable and personal account of conducting qualitative research by an eminent sociologist, with a heavy emphasis on the kinds of participant-observation research conducted by the author.  Despite its reader-friendliness, this is really a book targeted to graduate students learning the craft.  Advanced .

Lune, Howard, and Bruce L. Berg. 2018. 9th edition.  Qualitative Research Methods for the Social Sciences.  Pearson . Although a good introduction to qualitative methods, the authors favor symbolic interactionist and dramaturgical approaches, which limits the appeal primarily to sociologists.  Beginning .

Marshall, Catherine, and Gretchen B. Rossman. 2016. 6th edition. Designing Qualitative Research. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.  Very readable and accessible guide to research design by two educational scholars.  Although the presentation is sometimes fairly dry, personal vignettes and illustrations enliven the text.  Beginning .

Maxwell, Joseph A. 2013. Qualitative Research Design: An Interactive Approach .  3rd ed. Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE. A short and accessible introduction to qualitative research design, particularly helpful for graduate students contemplating theses and dissertations. This has been a standard textbook in my graduate-level courses for years.  Advanced .

Patton, Michael Quinn. 2002. Qualitative Research and Evaluation Methods . Thousand Oaks, CA: SAGE.  This is a comprehensive text that served as my “go-to” reference when I was a graduate student.  It is particularly helpful for those involved in program evaluation and other forms of evaluation studies and uses examples from a wide range of disciplines.  Advanced .

Rubin, Ashley T. 2021. Rocking Qualitative Social Science: An Irreverent Guide to Rigorous Research. Stanford : Stanford University Press.  A delightful and personal read.  Rubin uses rock climbing as an extended metaphor for learning how to conduct qualitative research.  A bit slanted toward ethnographic and archival methods of data collection, with frequent examples from her own studies in criminology. Beginning .

Weis, Lois, and Michelle Fine. 2000. Speed Bumps: A Student-Friendly Guide to Qualitative Research . New York: Teachers College Press.  Readable and accessibly written in a quasi-conversational style.  Particularly strong in its discussion of ethical issues throughout the qualitative research process.  Not comprehensive, however, and very much tied to ethnographic research.  Although designed for graduate students, this is a recommended read for students of all levels.  Beginning .

Patton’s Ten Suggestions for Doing Qualitative Research

The following ten suggestions were made by Michael Quinn Patton in his massive textbooks Qualitative Research and Evaluations Methods . This book is highly recommended for those of you who want more than an introduction to qualitative methods. It is the book I relied on heavily when I was a graduate student, although it is much easier to “dip into” when necessary than to read through as a whole. Patton is asked for “just one bit of advice” for a graduate student considering using qualitative research methods for their dissertation.  Here are his top ten responses, in short form, heavily paraphrased, and with additional comments and emphases from me:

  • Make sure that a qualitative approach fits the research question. The following are the kinds of questions that call out for qualitative methods or where qualitative methods are particularly appropriate: questions about people’s experiences or how they make sense of those experiences; studying a person in their natural environment; researching a phenomenon so unknown that it would be impossible to study it with standardized instruments or other forms of quantitative data collection.
  • Study qualitative research by going to the original sources for the design and analysis appropriate to the particular approach you want to take (e.g., read Glaser and Straus if you are using grounded theory )
  • Find a dissertation adviser who understands or at least who will support your use of qualitative research methods. You are asking for trouble if your entire committee is populated by quantitative researchers, even if they are all very knowledgeable about the subject or focus of your study (maybe even more so if they are!)
  • Really work on design. Doing qualitative research effectively takes a lot of planning.  Even if things are more flexible than in quantitative research, a good design is absolutely essential when starting out.
  • Practice data collection techniques, particularly interviewing and observing. There is definitely a set of learned skills here!  Do not expect your first interview to be perfect.  You will continue to grow as a researcher the more interviews you conduct, and you will probably come to understand yourself a bit more in the process, too.  This is not easy, despite what others who don’t work with qualitative methods may assume (and tell you!)
  • Have a plan for analysis before you begin data collection. This is often a requirement in IRB protocols , although you can get away with writing something fairly simple.  And even if you are taking an approach, such as grounded theory, that pushes you to remain fairly open-minded during the data collection process, you still want to know what you will be doing with all the data collected – creating a codebook? Writing analytical memos? Comparing cases?  Having a plan in hand will also help prevent you from collecting too much extraneous data.
  • Be prepared to confront controversies both within the qualitative research community and between qualitative research and quantitative research. Don’t be naïve about this – qualitative research, particularly some approaches, will be derided by many more “positivist” researchers and audiences.  For example, is an “n” of 1 really sufficient?  Yes!  But not everyone will agree.
  • Do not make the mistake of using qualitative research methods because someone told you it was easier, or because you are intimidated by the math required of statistical analyses. Qualitative research is difficult in its own way (and many would claim much more time-consuming than quantitative research).  Do it because you are convinced it is right for your goals, aims, and research questions.
  • Find a good support network. This could be a research mentor, or it could be a group of friends or colleagues who are also using qualitative research, or it could be just someone who will listen to you work through all of the issues you will confront out in the field and during the writing process.  Even though qualitative research often involves human subjects, it can be pretty lonely.  A lot of times you will feel like you are working without a net.  You have to create one for yourself.  Take care of yourself.
  • And, finally, in the words of Patton, “Prepare to be changed. Looking deeply at other people’s lives will force you to look deeply at yourself.”
  • We will actually spend an entire chapter ( chapter 3 ) looking at this question in much more detail! ↵
  • Note that this might have been news to Europeans at the time, but many other societies around the world had also come to this conclusion through observation.  There is often a tendency to equate “the scientific revolution” with the European world in which it took place, but this is somewhat misleading. ↵
  • Historians are a special case here.  Historians have scrupulously and rigorously investigated the social world, but not for the purpose of understanding general laws about how things work, which is the point of scientific empirical research.  History is often referred to as an idiographic field of study, meaning that it studies things that happened or are happening in themselves and not for general observations or conclusions. ↵
  • Don’t worry, we’ll spend more time later in this book unpacking the meaning of ethnography and other terms that are important here.  Note the available glossary ↵

An approach to research that is “multimethod in focus, involving an interpretative, naturalistic approach to its subject matter.  This means that qualitative researchers study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of the meanings people bring to them.  Qualitative research involves the studied use and collection of a variety of empirical materials – case study, personal experience, introspective, life story, interview, observational, historical, interactional, and visual texts – that describe routine and problematic moments and meanings in individuals’ lives." ( Denzin and Lincoln 2005:2 ). Contrast with quantitative research .

In contrast to methodology, methods are more simply the practices and tools used to collect and analyze data.  Examples of common methods in qualitative research are interviews , observations , and documentary analysis .  One’s methodology should connect to one’s choice of methods, of course, but they are distinguishable terms.  See also methodology .

A proposed explanation for an observation, phenomenon, or scientific problem that can be tested by further investigation.  The positing of a hypothesis is often the first step in quantitative research but not in qualitative research.  Even when qualitative researchers offer possible explanations in advance of conducting research, they will tend to not use the word “hypothesis” as it conjures up the kind of positivist research they are not conducting.

The foundational question to be addressed by the research study.  This will form the anchor of the research design, collection, and analysis.  Note that in qualitative research, the research question may, and probably will, alter or develop during the course of the research.

An approach to research that collects and analyzes numerical data for the purpose of finding patterns and averages, making predictions, testing causal relationships, and generalizing results to wider populations.  Contrast with qualitative research .

Data collection that takes place in real-world settings, referred to as “the field;” a key component of much Grounded Theory and ethnographic research.  Patton ( 2002 ) calls fieldwork “the central activity of qualitative inquiry” where “‘going into the field’ means having direct and personal contact with people under study in their own environments – getting close to people and situations being studied to personally understand the realities of minutiae of daily life” (48).

The people who are the subjects of a qualitative study.  In interview-based studies, they may be the respondents to the interviewer; for purposes of IRBs, they are often referred to as the human subjects of the research.

The branch of philosophy concerned with knowledge.  For researchers, it is important to recognize and adopt one of the many distinguishing epistemological perspectives as part of our understanding of what questions research can address or fully answer.  See, e.g., constructivism , subjectivism, and  objectivism .

An approach that refutes the possibility of neutrality in social science research.  All research is “guided by a set of beliefs and feelings about the world and how it should be understood and studied” (Denzin and Lincoln 2005: 13).  In contrast to positivism , interpretivism recognizes the social constructedness of reality, and researchers adopting this approach focus on capturing interpretations and understandings people have about the world rather than “the world” as it is (which is a chimera).

The cluster of data-collection tools and techniques that involve observing interactions between people, the behaviors, and practices of individuals (sometimes in contrast to what they say about how they act and behave), and cultures in context.  Observational methods are the key tools employed by ethnographers and Grounded Theory .

Research based on data collected and analyzed by the research (in contrast to secondary “library” research).

The process of selecting people or other units of analysis to represent a larger population. In quantitative research, this representation is taken quite literally, as statistically representative.  In qualitative research, in contrast, sample selection is often made based on potential to generate insight about a particular topic or phenomenon.

A method of data collection in which the researcher asks the participant questions; the answers to these questions are often recorded and transcribed verbatim. There are many different kinds of interviews - see also semistructured interview , structured interview , and unstructured interview .

The specific group of individuals that you will collect data from.  Contrast population.

The practice of being conscious of and reflective upon one’s own social location and presence when conducting research.  Because qualitative research often requires interaction with live humans, failing to take into account how one’s presence and prior expectations and social location affect the data collected and how analyzed may limit the reliability of the findings.  This remains true even when dealing with historical archives and other content.  Who we are matters when asking questions about how people experience the world because we, too, are a part of that world.

The science and practice of right conduct; in research, it is also the delineation of moral obligations towards research participants, communities to which we belong, and communities in which we conduct our research.

An administrative body established to protect the rights and welfare of human research subjects recruited to participate in research activities conducted under the auspices of the institution with which it is affiliated. The IRB is charged with the responsibility of reviewing all research involving human participants. The IRB is concerned with protecting the welfare, rights, and privacy of human subjects. The IRB has the authority to approve, disapprove, monitor, and require modifications in all research activities that fall within its jurisdiction as specified by both the federal regulations and institutional policy.

Research, according to US federal guidelines, that involves “a living individual about whom an investigator (whether professional or student) conducting research:  (1) Obtains information or biospecimens through intervention or interaction with the individual, and uses, studies, or analyzes the information or biospecimens; or  (2) Obtains, uses, studies, analyzes, or generates identifiable private information or identifiable biospecimens.”

One of the primary methodological traditions of inquiry in qualitative research, ethnography is the study of a group or group culture, largely through observational fieldwork supplemented by interviews. It is a form of fieldwork that may include participant-observation data collection. See chapter 14 for a discussion of deep ethnography. 

A form of interview that follows a standard guide of questions asked, although the order of the questions may change to match the particular needs of each individual interview subject, and probing “follow-up” questions are often added during the course of the interview.  The semi-structured interview is the primary form of interviewing used by qualitative researchers in the social sciences.  It is sometimes referred to as an “in-depth” interview.  See also interview and  interview guide .

A method of observational data collection taking place in a natural setting; a form of fieldwork .  The term encompasses a continuum of relative participation by the researcher (from full participant to “fly-on-the-wall” observer).  This is also sometimes referred to as ethnography , although the latter is characterized by a greater focus on the culture under observation.

A research design that employs both quantitative and qualitative methods, as in the case of a survey supplemented by interviews.

An epistemological perspective that posits the existence of reality through sensory experience similar to empiricism but goes further in denying any non-sensory basis of thought or consciousness.  In the social sciences, the term has roots in the proto-sociologist August Comte, who believed he could discern “laws” of society similar to the laws of natural science (e.g., gravity).  The term has come to mean the kinds of measurable and verifiable science conducted by quantitative researchers and is thus used pejoratively by some qualitative researchers interested in interpretation, consciousness, and human understanding.  Calling someone a “positivist” is often intended as an insult.  See also empiricism and objectivism.

A place or collection containing records, documents, or other materials of historical interest; most universities have an archive of material related to the university’s history, as well as other “special collections” that may be of interest to members of the community.

A method of both data collection and data analysis in which a given content (textual, visual, graphic) is examined systematically and rigorously to identify meanings, themes, patterns and assumptions.  Qualitative content analysis (QCA) is concerned with gathering and interpreting an existing body of material.    

A word or short phrase that symbolically assigns a summative, salient, essence-capturing, and/or evocative attribute for a portion of language-based or visual data (Saldaña 2021:5).

Usually a verbatim written record of an interview or focus group discussion.

The primary form of data for fieldwork , participant observation , and ethnography .  These notes, taken by the researcher either during the course of fieldwork or at day’s end, should include as many details as possible on what was observed and what was said.  They should include clear identifiers of date, time, setting, and names (or identifying characteristics) of participants.

The process of labeling and organizing qualitative data to identify different themes and the relationships between them; a way of simplifying data to allow better management and retrieval of key themes and illustrative passages.  See coding frame and  codebook.

A methodological tradition of inquiry and approach to analyzing qualitative data in which theories emerge from a rigorous and systematic process of induction.  This approach was pioneered by the sociologists Glaser and Strauss (1967).  The elements of theory generated from comparative analysis of data are, first, conceptual categories and their properties and, second, hypotheses or generalized relations among the categories and their properties – “The constant comparing of many groups draws the [researcher’s] attention to their many similarities and differences.  Considering these leads [the researcher] to generate abstract categories and their properties, which, since they emerge from the data, will clearly be important to a theory explaining the kind of behavior under observation.” (36).

A detailed description of any proposed research that involves human subjects for review by IRB.  The protocol serves as the recipe for the conduct of the research activity.  It includes the scientific rationale to justify the conduct of the study, the information necessary to conduct the study, the plan for managing and analyzing the data, and a discussion of the research ethical issues relevant to the research.  Protocols for qualitative research often include interview guides, all documents related to recruitment, informed consent forms, very clear guidelines on the safekeeping of materials collected, and plans for de-identifying transcripts or other data that include personal identifying information.

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Home » Qualitative Research – Methods, Analysis Types and Guide

Qualitative Research – Methods, Analysis Types and Guide

Table of Contents

Qualitative Research

Qualitative Research

Qualitative research is a type of research methodology that focuses on exploring and understanding people’s beliefs, attitudes, behaviors, and experiences through the collection and analysis of non-numerical data. It seeks to answer research questions through the examination of subjective data, such as interviews, focus groups, observations, and textual analysis.

Qualitative research aims to uncover the meaning and significance of social phenomena, and it typically involves a more flexible and iterative approach to data collection and analysis compared to quantitative research. Qualitative research is often used in fields such as sociology, anthropology, psychology, and education.

Qualitative Research Methods

Types of Qualitative Research

Qualitative Research Methods are as follows:

One-to-One Interview

This method involves conducting an interview with a single participant to gain a detailed understanding of their experiences, attitudes, and beliefs. One-to-one interviews can be conducted in-person, over the phone, or through video conferencing. The interviewer typically uses open-ended questions to encourage the participant to share their thoughts and feelings. One-to-one interviews are useful for gaining detailed insights into individual experiences.

Focus Groups

This method involves bringing together a group of people to discuss a specific topic in a structured setting. The focus group is led by a moderator who guides the discussion and encourages participants to share their thoughts and opinions. Focus groups are useful for generating ideas and insights, exploring social norms and attitudes, and understanding group dynamics.

Ethnographic Studies

This method involves immersing oneself in a culture or community to gain a deep understanding of its norms, beliefs, and practices. Ethnographic studies typically involve long-term fieldwork and observation, as well as interviews and document analysis. Ethnographic studies are useful for understanding the cultural context of social phenomena and for gaining a holistic understanding of complex social processes.

Text Analysis

This method involves analyzing written or spoken language to identify patterns and themes. Text analysis can be quantitative or qualitative. Qualitative text analysis involves close reading and interpretation of texts to identify recurring themes, concepts, and patterns. Text analysis is useful for understanding media messages, public discourse, and cultural trends.

This method involves an in-depth examination of a single person, group, or event to gain an understanding of complex phenomena. Case studies typically involve a combination of data collection methods, such as interviews, observations, and document analysis, to provide a comprehensive understanding of the case. Case studies are useful for exploring unique or rare cases, and for generating hypotheses for further research.

Process of Observation

This method involves systematically observing and recording behaviors and interactions in natural settings. The observer may take notes, use audio or video recordings, or use other methods to document what they see. Process of observation is useful for understanding social interactions, cultural practices, and the context in which behaviors occur.

Record Keeping

This method involves keeping detailed records of observations, interviews, and other data collected during the research process. Record keeping is essential for ensuring the accuracy and reliability of the data, and for providing a basis for analysis and interpretation.

This method involves collecting data from a large sample of participants through a structured questionnaire. Surveys can be conducted in person, over the phone, through mail, or online. Surveys are useful for collecting data on attitudes, beliefs, and behaviors, and for identifying patterns and trends in a population.

Qualitative data analysis is a process of turning unstructured data into meaningful insights. It involves extracting and organizing information from sources like interviews, focus groups, and surveys. The goal is to understand people’s attitudes, behaviors, and motivations

Qualitative Research Analysis Methods

Qualitative Research analysis methods involve a systematic approach to interpreting and making sense of the data collected in qualitative research. Here are some common qualitative data analysis methods:

Thematic Analysis

This method involves identifying patterns or themes in the data that are relevant to the research question. The researcher reviews the data, identifies keywords or phrases, and groups them into categories or themes. Thematic analysis is useful for identifying patterns across multiple data sources and for generating new insights into the research topic.

Content Analysis

This method involves analyzing the content of written or spoken language to identify key themes or concepts. Content analysis can be quantitative or qualitative. Qualitative content analysis involves close reading and interpretation of texts to identify recurring themes, concepts, and patterns. Content analysis is useful for identifying patterns in media messages, public discourse, and cultural trends.

Discourse Analysis

This method involves analyzing language to understand how it constructs meaning and shapes social interactions. Discourse analysis can involve a variety of methods, such as conversation analysis, critical discourse analysis, and narrative analysis. Discourse analysis is useful for understanding how language shapes social interactions, cultural norms, and power relationships.

Grounded Theory Analysis

This method involves developing a theory or explanation based on the data collected. Grounded theory analysis starts with the data and uses an iterative process of coding and analysis to identify patterns and themes in the data. The theory or explanation that emerges is grounded in the data, rather than preconceived hypotheses. Grounded theory analysis is useful for understanding complex social phenomena and for generating new theoretical insights.

Narrative Analysis

This method involves analyzing the stories or narratives that participants share to gain insights into their experiences, attitudes, and beliefs. Narrative analysis can involve a variety of methods, such as structural analysis, thematic analysis, and discourse analysis. Narrative analysis is useful for understanding how individuals construct their identities, make sense of their experiences, and communicate their values and beliefs.

Phenomenological Analysis

This method involves analyzing how individuals make sense of their experiences and the meanings they attach to them. Phenomenological analysis typically involves in-depth interviews with participants to explore their experiences in detail. Phenomenological analysis is useful for understanding subjective experiences and for developing a rich understanding of human consciousness.

Comparative Analysis

This method involves comparing and contrasting data across different cases or groups to identify similarities and differences. Comparative analysis can be used to identify patterns or themes that are common across multiple cases, as well as to identify unique or distinctive features of individual cases. Comparative analysis is useful for understanding how social phenomena vary across different contexts and groups.

Applications of Qualitative Research

Qualitative research has many applications across different fields and industries. Here are some examples of how qualitative research is used:

  • Market Research: Qualitative research is often used in market research to understand consumer attitudes, behaviors, and preferences. Researchers conduct focus groups and one-on-one interviews with consumers to gather insights into their experiences and perceptions of products and services.
  • Health Care: Qualitative research is used in health care to explore patient experiences and perspectives on health and illness. Researchers conduct in-depth interviews with patients and their families to gather information on their experiences with different health care providers and treatments.
  • Education: Qualitative research is used in education to understand student experiences and to develop effective teaching strategies. Researchers conduct classroom observations and interviews with students and teachers to gather insights into classroom dynamics and instructional practices.
  • Social Work : Qualitative research is used in social work to explore social problems and to develop interventions to address them. Researchers conduct in-depth interviews with individuals and families to understand their experiences with poverty, discrimination, and other social problems.
  • Anthropology : Qualitative research is used in anthropology to understand different cultures and societies. Researchers conduct ethnographic studies and observe and interview members of different cultural groups to gain insights into their beliefs, practices, and social structures.
  • Psychology : Qualitative research is used in psychology to understand human behavior and mental processes. Researchers conduct in-depth interviews with individuals to explore their thoughts, feelings, and experiences.
  • Public Policy : Qualitative research is used in public policy to explore public attitudes and to inform policy decisions. Researchers conduct focus groups and one-on-one interviews with members of the public to gather insights into their perspectives on different policy issues.

How to Conduct Qualitative Research

Here are some general steps for conducting qualitative research:

  • Identify your research question: Qualitative research starts with a research question or set of questions that you want to explore. This question should be focused and specific, but also broad enough to allow for exploration and discovery.
  • Select your research design: There are different types of qualitative research designs, including ethnography, case study, grounded theory, and phenomenology. You should select a design that aligns with your research question and that will allow you to gather the data you need to answer your research question.
  • Recruit participants: Once you have your research question and design, you need to recruit participants. The number of participants you need will depend on your research design and the scope of your research. You can recruit participants through advertisements, social media, or through personal networks.
  • Collect data: There are different methods for collecting qualitative data, including interviews, focus groups, observation, and document analysis. You should select the method or methods that align with your research design and that will allow you to gather the data you need to answer your research question.
  • Analyze data: Once you have collected your data, you need to analyze it. This involves reviewing your data, identifying patterns and themes, and developing codes to organize your data. You can use different software programs to help you analyze your data, or you can do it manually.
  • Interpret data: Once you have analyzed your data, you need to interpret it. This involves making sense of the patterns and themes you have identified, and developing insights and conclusions that answer your research question. You should be guided by your research question and use your data to support your conclusions.
  • Communicate results: Once you have interpreted your data, you need to communicate your results. This can be done through academic papers, presentations, or reports. You should be clear and concise in your communication, and use examples and quotes from your data to support your findings.

Examples of Qualitative Research

Here are some real-time examples of qualitative research:

  • Customer Feedback: A company may conduct qualitative research to understand the feedback and experiences of its customers. This may involve conducting focus groups or one-on-one interviews with customers to gather insights into their attitudes, behaviors, and preferences.
  • Healthcare : A healthcare provider may conduct qualitative research to explore patient experiences and perspectives on health and illness. This may involve conducting in-depth interviews with patients and their families to gather information on their experiences with different health care providers and treatments.
  • Education : An educational institution may conduct qualitative research to understand student experiences and to develop effective teaching strategies. This may involve conducting classroom observations and interviews with students and teachers to gather insights into classroom dynamics and instructional practices.
  • Social Work: A social worker may conduct qualitative research to explore social problems and to develop interventions to address them. This may involve conducting in-depth interviews with individuals and families to understand their experiences with poverty, discrimination, and other social problems.
  • Anthropology : An anthropologist may conduct qualitative research to understand different cultures and societies. This may involve conducting ethnographic studies and observing and interviewing members of different cultural groups to gain insights into their beliefs, practices, and social structures.
  • Psychology : A psychologist may conduct qualitative research to understand human behavior and mental processes. This may involve conducting in-depth interviews with individuals to explore their thoughts, feelings, and experiences.
  • Public Policy: A government agency or non-profit organization may conduct qualitative research to explore public attitudes and to inform policy decisions. This may involve conducting focus groups and one-on-one interviews with members of the public to gather insights into their perspectives on different policy issues.

Purpose of Qualitative Research

The purpose of qualitative research is to explore and understand the subjective experiences, behaviors, and perspectives of individuals or groups in a particular context. Unlike quantitative research, which focuses on numerical data and statistical analysis, qualitative research aims to provide in-depth, descriptive information that can help researchers develop insights and theories about complex social phenomena.

Qualitative research can serve multiple purposes, including:

  • Exploring new or emerging phenomena : Qualitative research can be useful for exploring new or emerging phenomena, such as new technologies or social trends. This type of research can help researchers develop a deeper understanding of these phenomena and identify potential areas for further study.
  • Understanding complex social phenomena : Qualitative research can be useful for exploring complex social phenomena, such as cultural beliefs, social norms, or political processes. This type of research can help researchers develop a more nuanced understanding of these phenomena and identify factors that may influence them.
  • Generating new theories or hypotheses: Qualitative research can be useful for generating new theories or hypotheses about social phenomena. By gathering rich, detailed data about individuals’ experiences and perspectives, researchers can develop insights that may challenge existing theories or lead to new lines of inquiry.
  • Providing context for quantitative data: Qualitative research can be useful for providing context for quantitative data. By gathering qualitative data alongside quantitative data, researchers can develop a more complete understanding of complex social phenomena and identify potential explanations for quantitative findings.

When to use Qualitative Research

Here are some situations where qualitative research may be appropriate:

  • Exploring a new area: If little is known about a particular topic, qualitative research can help to identify key issues, generate hypotheses, and develop new theories.
  • Understanding complex phenomena: Qualitative research can be used to investigate complex social, cultural, or organizational phenomena that are difficult to measure quantitatively.
  • Investigating subjective experiences: Qualitative research is particularly useful for investigating the subjective experiences of individuals or groups, such as their attitudes, beliefs, values, or emotions.
  • Conducting formative research: Qualitative research can be used in the early stages of a research project to develop research questions, identify potential research participants, and refine research methods.
  • Evaluating interventions or programs: Qualitative research can be used to evaluate the effectiveness of interventions or programs by collecting data on participants’ experiences, attitudes, and behaviors.

Characteristics of Qualitative Research

Qualitative research is characterized by several key features, including:

  • Focus on subjective experience: Qualitative research is concerned with understanding the subjective experiences, beliefs, and perspectives of individuals or groups in a particular context. Researchers aim to explore the meanings that people attach to their experiences and to understand the social and cultural factors that shape these meanings.
  • Use of open-ended questions: Qualitative research relies on open-ended questions that allow participants to provide detailed, in-depth responses. Researchers seek to elicit rich, descriptive data that can provide insights into participants’ experiences and perspectives.
  • Sampling-based on purpose and diversity: Qualitative research often involves purposive sampling, in which participants are selected based on specific criteria related to the research question. Researchers may also seek to include participants with diverse experiences and perspectives to capture a range of viewpoints.
  • Data collection through multiple methods: Qualitative research typically involves the use of multiple data collection methods, such as in-depth interviews, focus groups, and observation. This allows researchers to gather rich, detailed data from multiple sources, which can provide a more complete picture of participants’ experiences and perspectives.
  • Inductive data analysis: Qualitative research relies on inductive data analysis, in which researchers develop theories and insights based on the data rather than testing pre-existing hypotheses. Researchers use coding and thematic analysis to identify patterns and themes in the data and to develop theories and explanations based on these patterns.
  • Emphasis on researcher reflexivity: Qualitative research recognizes the importance of the researcher’s role in shaping the research process and outcomes. Researchers are encouraged to reflect on their own biases and assumptions and to be transparent about their role in the research process.

Advantages of Qualitative Research

Qualitative research offers several advantages over other research methods, including:

  • Depth and detail: Qualitative research allows researchers to gather rich, detailed data that provides a deeper understanding of complex social phenomena. Through in-depth interviews, focus groups, and observation, researchers can gather detailed information about participants’ experiences and perspectives that may be missed by other research methods.
  • Flexibility : Qualitative research is a flexible approach that allows researchers to adapt their methods to the research question and context. Researchers can adjust their research methods in real-time to gather more information or explore unexpected findings.
  • Contextual understanding: Qualitative research is well-suited to exploring the social and cultural context in which individuals or groups are situated. Researchers can gather information about cultural norms, social structures, and historical events that may influence participants’ experiences and perspectives.
  • Participant perspective : Qualitative research prioritizes the perspective of participants, allowing researchers to explore subjective experiences and understand the meanings that participants attach to their experiences.
  • Theory development: Qualitative research can contribute to the development of new theories and insights about complex social phenomena. By gathering rich, detailed data and using inductive data analysis, researchers can develop new theories and explanations that may challenge existing understandings.
  • Validity : Qualitative research can offer high validity by using multiple data collection methods, purposive and diverse sampling, and researcher reflexivity. This can help ensure that findings are credible and trustworthy.

Limitations of Qualitative Research

Qualitative research also has some limitations, including:

  • Subjectivity : Qualitative research relies on the subjective interpretation of researchers, which can introduce bias into the research process. The researcher’s perspective, beliefs, and experiences can influence the way data is collected, analyzed, and interpreted.
  • Limited generalizability: Qualitative research typically involves small, purposive samples that may not be representative of larger populations. This limits the generalizability of findings to other contexts or populations.
  • Time-consuming: Qualitative research can be a time-consuming process, requiring significant resources for data collection, analysis, and interpretation.
  • Resource-intensive: Qualitative research may require more resources than other research methods, including specialized training for researchers, specialized software for data analysis, and transcription services.
  • Limited reliability: Qualitative research may be less reliable than quantitative research, as it relies on the subjective interpretation of researchers. This can make it difficult to replicate findings or compare results across different studies.
  • Ethics and confidentiality: Qualitative research involves collecting sensitive information from participants, which raises ethical concerns about confidentiality and informed consent. Researchers must take care to protect the privacy and confidentiality of participants and obtain informed consent.

Also see Research Methods

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Qualitative Research : Definition

Qualitative research is the naturalistic study of social meanings and processes, using interviews, observations, and the analysis of texts and images.  In contrast to quantitative researchers, whose statistical methods enable broad generalizations about populations (for example, comparisons of the percentages of U.S. demographic groups who vote in particular ways), qualitative researchers use in-depth studies of the social world to analyze how and why groups think and act in particular ways (for instance, case studies of the experiences that shape political views).   

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Qualitative research: methods and examples

Last updated

13 April 2023

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Qualitative research involves gathering and evaluating non-numerical information to comprehend concepts, perspectives, and experiences. It’s also helpful for obtaining in-depth insights into a certain subject or generating new research ideas. 

As a result, qualitative research is practical if you want to try anything new or produce new ideas.

There are various ways you can conduct qualitative research. In this article, you'll learn more about qualitative research methodologies, including when you should use them.

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  • What is qualitative research?

Qualitative research is a broad term describing various research types that rely on asking open-ended questions. Qualitative research investigates “how” or “why” certain phenomena occur. It is about discovering the inherent nature of something.

The primary objective of qualitative research is to understand an individual's ideas, points of view, and feelings. In this way, collecting in-depth knowledge of a specific topic is possible. Knowing your audience's feelings about a particular subject is important for making reasonable research conclusions.

Unlike quantitative research , this approach does not involve collecting numerical, objective data for statistical analysis. Qualitative research is used extensively in education, sociology, health science, history, and anthropology.

  • Types of qualitative research methodology

Typically, qualitative research aims at uncovering the attitudes and behavior of the target audience concerning a specific topic. For example,  “How would you describe your experience as a new Dovetail user?”

Some of the methods for conducting qualitative analysis include:

Focus groups

Hosting a focus group is a popular qualitative research method. It involves obtaining qualitative data from a limited sample of participants. In a moderated version of a focus group, the moderator asks participants a series of predefined questions. They aim to interact and build a group discussion that reveals their preferences, candid thoughts, and experiences.

Unmoderated, online focus groups are increasingly popular because they eliminate the need to interact with people face to face.

Focus groups can be more cost-effective than 1:1 interviews or studying a group in a natural setting and reporting one’s observations.

Focus groups make it possible to gather multiple points of view quickly and efficiently, making them an excellent choice for testing new concepts or conducting market research on a new product.

However, there are some potential drawbacks to this method. It may be unsuitable for sensitive or controversial topics. Participants might be reluctant to disclose their true feelings or respond falsely to conform to what they believe is the socially acceptable answer (known as response bias).

Case study research

A case study is an in-depth evaluation of a specific person, incident, organization, or society. This type of qualitative research has evolved into a broadly applied research method in education, law, business, and the social sciences.

Even though case study research may appear challenging to implement, it is one of the most direct research methods. It requires detailed analysis, broad-ranging data collection methodologies, and a degree of existing knowledge about the subject area under investigation.

Historical model

The historical approach is a distinct research method that deeply examines previous events to better understand the present and forecast future occurrences of the same phenomena. Its primary goal is to evaluate the impacts of history on the present and hence discover comparable patterns in the present to predict future outcomes.

Oral history

This qualitative data collection method involves gathering verbal testimonials from individuals about their personal experiences. It is widely used in historical disciplines to offer counterpoints to established historical facts and narratives. The most common methods of gathering oral history are audio recordings, analysis of auto-biographical text, videos, and interviews.

Qualitative observation

One of the most fundamental, oldest research methods, qualitative observation , is the process through which a researcher collects data using their senses of sight, smell, hearing, etc. It is used to observe the properties of the subject being studied. For example, “What does it look like?” As research methods go, it is subjective and depends on researchers’ first-hand experiences to obtain information, so it is prone to bias. However, it is an excellent way to start a broad line of inquiry like, “What is going on here?”

Record keeping and review

Record keeping uses existing documents and relevant data sources that can be employed for future studies. It is equivalent to visiting the library and going through publications or any other reference material to gather important facts that will likely be used in the research.

Grounded theory approach

The grounded theory approach is a commonly used research method employed across a variety of different studies. It offers a unique way to gather, interpret, and analyze. With this approach, data is gathered and analyzed simultaneously.  Existing analysis frames and codes are disregarded, and data is analyzed inductively, with new codes and frames generated from the research.

Ethnographic research

Ethnography  is a descriptive form of a qualitative study of people and their cultures. Its primary goal is to study people's behavior in their natural environment. This method necessitates that the researcher adapts to their target audience's setting. 

Thereby, you will be able to understand their motivation, lifestyle, ambitions, traditions, and culture in situ. But, the researcher must be prepared to deal with geographical constraints while collecting data i.e., audiences can’t be studied in a laboratory or research facility.

This study can last from a couple of days to several years. Thus, it is time-consuming and complicated, requiring you to have both the time to gather the relevant data as well as the expertise in analyzing, observing, and interpreting data to draw meaningful conclusions.

Narrative framework

A narrative framework is a qualitative research approach that relies on people's written text or visual images. It entails people analyzing these events or narratives to determine certain topics or issues. With this approach, you can understand how people represent themselves and their experiences to a larger audience.

Phenomenological approach

The phenomenological study seeks to investigate the experiences of a particular phenomenon within a group of individuals or communities. It analyzes a certain event through interviews with persons who have witnessed it to determine the connections between their views. Even though this method relies heavily on interviews, other data sources (recorded notes), and observations could be employed to enhance the findings.

  • Qualitative research methods (tools)

Some of the instruments involved in qualitative research include:

Document research: Also known as document analysis because it involves evaluating written documents. These can include personal and non-personal materials like archives, policy publications, yearly reports, diaries, or letters.

Focus groups:  This is where a researcher poses questions and generates conversation among a group of people. The major goal of focus groups is to examine participants' experiences and knowledge, including research into how and why individuals act in various ways.

Secondary study: Involves acquiring existing information from texts, images, audio, or video recordings.

Observations:   This requires thorough field notes on everything you see, hear, or experience. Compared to reported conduct or opinion, this study method can assist you in getting insights into a specific situation and observable behaviors.

Structured interviews :  In this approach, you will directly engage people one-on-one. Interviews are ideal for learning about a person's subjective beliefs, motivations, and encounters.

Surveys:  This is when you distribute questionnaires containing open-ended questions

  • What are common examples of qualitative research?

Everyday examples of qualitative research include:

Conducting a demographic analysis of a business

For instance, suppose you own a business such as a grocery store (or any store) and believe it caters to a broad customer base, but after conducting a demographic analysis, you discover that most of your customers are men.

You could do 1:1 interviews with female customers to learn why they don't shop at your store.

In this case, interviewing potential female customers should clarify why they don't find your shop appealing. It could be because of the products you sell or a need for greater brand awareness, among other possible reasons.

Launching or testing a new product

Suppose you are the product manager at a SaaS company looking to introduce a new product. Focus groups can be an excellent way to determine whether your product is marketable.

In this instance, you could hold a focus group with a sample group drawn from your intended audience. The group will explore the product based on its new features while you ensure adequate data on how users react to the new features. The data you collect will be key to making sales and marketing decisions.

Conducting studies to explain buyers' behaviors

You can also use qualitative research to understand existing buyer behavior better. Marketers analyze historical information linked to their businesses and industries to see when purchasers buy more.

Qualitative research can help you determine when to target new clients and peak seasons to boost sales by investigating the reason behind these behaviors.

  • Qualitative research: data collection

Data collection is gathering information on predetermined variables to gain appropriate answers, test hypotheses, and analyze results. Researchers will collect non-numerical data for qualitative data collection to obtain detailed explanations and draw conclusions.

To get valid findings and achieve a conclusion in qualitative research, researchers must collect comprehensive and multifaceted data.

Qualitative data is usually gathered through interviews or focus groups with videotapes or handwritten notes. If there are recordings, they are transcribed before the data analysis process. Researchers keep separate folders for the recordings acquired from each focus group when collecting qualitative research data to categorize the data.

  • Qualitative research: data analysis

Qualitative data analysis is organizing, examining, and interpreting qualitative data. Its main objective is identifying trends and patterns, responding to research questions, and recommending actions based on the findings. Textual analysis is a popular method for analyzing qualitative data.

Textual analysis differs from other qualitative research approaches in that researchers consider the social circumstances of study participants to decode their words, behaviors, and broader meaning. 

example study of qualitative research

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  • When to use qualitative research

Qualitative research is helpful in various situations, particularly when a researcher wants to capture accurate, in-depth insights. 

Here are some instances when qualitative research can be valuable:

Examining your product or service to improve your marketing approach

When researching market segments, demographics, and customer service teams

Identifying client language when you want to design a quantitative survey

When attempting to comprehend your or someone else's strengths and weaknesses

Assessing feelings and beliefs about societal and public policy matters

Collecting information about a business or product's perception

Analyzing your target audience's reactions to marketing efforts

When launching a new product or coming up with a new idea

When seeking to evaluate buyers' purchasing patterns

  • Qualitative research methods vs. quantitative research methods

Qualitative research examines people's ideas and what influences their perception, whereas quantitative research draws conclusions based on numbers and measurements.

Qualitative research is descriptive, and its primary goal is to comprehensively understand people's attitudes, behaviors, and ideas.

In contrast, quantitative research is more restrictive because it relies on numerical data and analyzes statistical data to make decisions. This research method assists researchers in gaining an initial grasp of the subject, which deals with numbers. For instance, the number of customers likely to purchase your products or use your services.

What is the most important feature of qualitative research?

A distinguishing feature of qualitative research is that it’s conducted in a real-world setting instead of a simulated environment. The researcher is examining actual phenomena instead of experimenting with different variables to see what outcomes (data) might result.

Can I use qualitative and quantitative approaches together in a study?

Yes, combining qualitative and quantitative research approaches happens all the time and is known as mixed methods research. For example, you could study individuals’ perceived risk in a certain scenario, such as how people rate the safety or riskiness of a given neighborhood. Simultaneously, you could analyze historical data objectively, indicating how safe or dangerous that area has been in the last year. To get the most out of mixed-method research, it’s important to understand the pros and cons of each methodology, so you can create a thoughtfully designed study that will yield compelling results.

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Qualitative Research: Characteristics, Design, Methods & Examples

Lauren McCall

MSc Health Psychology Graduate

MSc, Health Psychology, University of Nottingham

Lauren obtained an MSc in Health Psychology from The University of Nottingham with a distinction classification.

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Associate Editor for Simply Psychology

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On This Page:

Qualitative research is a type of research methodology that focuses on gathering and analyzing non-numerical data to gain a deeper understanding of human behavior, experiences, and perspectives.

It aims to explore the “why” and “how” of a phenomenon rather than the “what,” “where,” and “when” typically addressed by quantitative research.

Unlike quantitative research, which focuses on gathering and analyzing numerical data for statistical analysis, qualitative research involves researchers interpreting data to identify themes, patterns, and meanings.

Qualitative research can be used to:

  • Gain deep contextual understandings of the subjective social reality of individuals
  • To answer questions about experience and meaning from the participant’s perspective
  • To design hypotheses, theory must be researched using qualitative methods to determine what is important before research can begin. 

Examples of qualitative research questions include: 

  • How does stress influence young adults’ behavior?
  • What factors influence students’ school attendance rates in developed countries?
  • How do adults interpret binge drinking in the UK?
  • What are the psychological impacts of cervical cancer screening in women?
  • How can mental health lessons be integrated into the school curriculum? 

Characteristics 

Naturalistic setting.

Individuals are studied in their natural setting to gain a deeper understanding of how people experience the world. This enables the researcher to understand a phenomenon close to how participants experience it. 

Naturalistic settings provide valuable contextual information to help researchers better understand and interpret the data they collect.

The environment, social interactions, and cultural factors can all influence behavior and experiences, and these elements are more easily observed in real-world settings.

Reality is socially constructed

Qualitative research aims to understand how participants make meaning of their experiences – individually or in social contexts. It assumes there is no objective reality and that the social world is interpreted (Yilmaz, 2013). 

The primacy of subject matter 

The primary aim of qualitative research is to understand the perspectives, experiences, and beliefs of individuals who have experienced the phenomenon selected for research rather than the average experiences of groups of people (Minichiello, 1990).

An in-depth understanding is attained since qualitative techniques allow participants to freely disclose their experiences, thoughts, and feelings without constraint (Tenny et al., 2022). 

Variables are complex, interwoven, and difficult to measure

Factors such as experiences, behaviors, and attitudes are complex and interwoven, so they cannot be reduced to isolated variables , making them difficult to measure quantitatively.

However, a qualitative approach enables participants to describe what, why, or how they were thinking/ feeling during a phenomenon being studied (Yilmaz, 2013). 

Emic (insider’s point of view)

The phenomenon being studied is centered on the participants’ point of view (Minichiello, 1990).

Emic is used to describe how participants interact, communicate, and behave in the research setting (Scarduzio, 2017).

Interpretive analysis

In qualitative research, interpretive analysis is crucial in making sense of the collected data.

This process involves examining the raw data, such as interview transcripts, field notes, or documents, and identifying the underlying themes, patterns, and meanings that emerge from the participants’ experiences and perspectives.

Collecting Qualitative Data

There are four main research design methods used to collect qualitative data: observations, interviews,  focus groups, and ethnography.

Observations

This method involves watching and recording phenomena as they occur in nature. Observation can be divided into two types: participant and non-participant observation.

In participant observation, the researcher actively participates in the situation/events being observed.

In non-participant observation, the researcher is not an active part of the observation and tries not to influence the behaviors they are observing (Busetto et al., 2020). 

Observations can be covert (participants are unaware that a researcher is observing them) or overt (participants are aware of the researcher’s presence and know they are being observed).

However, awareness of an observer’s presence may influence participants’ behavior. 

Interviews give researchers a window into the world of a participant by seeking their account of an event, situation, or phenomenon. They are usually conducted on a one-to-one basis and can be distinguished according to the level at which they are structured (Punch, 2013). 

Structured interviews involve predetermined questions and sequences to ensure replicability and comparability. However, they are unable to explore emerging issues.

Informal interviews consist of spontaneous, casual conversations which are closer to the truth of a phenomenon. However, information is gathered using quick notes made by the researcher and is therefore subject to recall bias. 

Semi-structured interviews have a flexible structure, phrasing, and placement so emerging issues can be explored (Denny & Weckesser, 2022).

The use of probing questions and clarification can lead to a detailed understanding, but semi-structured interviews can be time-consuming and subject to interviewer bias. 

Focus groups 

Similar to interviews, focus groups elicit a rich and detailed account of an experience. However, focus groups are more dynamic since participants with shared characteristics construct this account together (Denny & Weckesser, 2022).

A shared narrative is built between participants to capture a group experience shaped by a shared context. 

The researcher takes on the role of a moderator, who will establish ground rules and guide the discussion by following a topic guide to focus the group discussions.

Typically, focus groups have 4-10 participants as a discussion can be difficult to facilitate with more than this, and this number allows everyone the time to speak.

Ethnography

Ethnography is a methodology used to study a group of people’s behaviors and social interactions in their environment (Reeves et al., 2008).

Data are collected using methods such as observations, field notes, or structured/ unstructured interviews.

The aim of ethnography is to provide detailed, holistic insights into people’s behavior and perspectives within their natural setting. In order to achieve this, researchers immerse themselves in a community or organization. 

Due to the flexibility and real-world focus of ethnography, researchers are able to gather an in-depth, nuanced understanding of people’s experiences, knowledge and perspectives that are influenced by culture and society.

In order to develop a representative picture of a particular culture/ context, researchers must conduct extensive field work. 

This can be time-consuming as researchers may need to immerse themselves into a community/ culture for a few days, or possibly a few years.

Qualitative Data Analysis Methods

Different methods can be used for analyzing qualitative data. The researcher chooses based on the objectives of their study. 

The researcher plays a key role in the interpretation of data, making decisions about the coding, theming, decontextualizing, and recontextualizing of data (Starks & Trinidad, 2007). 

Grounded theory

Grounded theory is a qualitative method specifically designed to inductively generate theory from data. It was developed by Glaser and Strauss in 1967 (Glaser & Strauss, 2017).

 This methodology aims to develop theories (rather than test hypotheses) that explain a social process, action, or interaction (Petty et al., 2012). To inform the developing theory, data collection and analysis run simultaneously. 

There are three key types of coding used in grounded theory: initial (open), intermediate (axial), and advanced (selective) coding. 

Throughout the analysis, memos should be created to document methodological and theoretical ideas about the data. Data should be collected and analyzed until data saturation is reached and a theory is developed. 

Content analysis

Content analysis was first used in the early twentieth century to analyze textual materials such as newspapers and political speeches.

Content analysis is a research method used to identify and analyze the presence and patterns of themes, concepts, or words in data (Vaismoradi et al., 2013). 

This research method can be used to analyze data in different formats, which can be written, oral, or visual. 

The goal of content analysis is to develop themes that capture the underlying meanings of data (Schreier, 2012). 

Qualitative content analysis can be used to validate existing theories, support the development of new models and theories, and provide in-depth descriptions of particular settings or experiences.

The following six steps provide a guideline for how to conduct qualitative content analysis.
  • Define a Research Question : To start content analysis, a clear research question should be developed.
  • Identify and Collect Data : Establish the inclusion criteria for your data. Find the relevant sources to analyze.
  • Define the Unit or Theme of Analysis : Categorize the content into themes. Themes can be a word, phrase, or sentence.
  • Develop Rules for Coding your Data : Define a set of coding rules to ensure that all data are coded consistently.
  • Code the Data : Follow the coding rules to categorize data into themes.
  • Analyze the Results and Draw Conclusions : Examine the data to identify patterns and draw conclusions in relation to your research question.

Discourse analysis

Discourse analysis is a research method used to study written/ spoken language in relation to its social context (Wood & Kroger, 2000).

In discourse analysis, the researcher interprets details of language materials and the context in which it is situated.

Discourse analysis aims to understand the functions of language (how language is used in real life) and how meaning is conveyed by language in different contexts. Researchers use discourse analysis to investigate social groups and how language is used to achieve specific communication goals.

Different methods of discourse analysis can be used depending on the aims and objectives of a study. However, the following steps provide a guideline on how to conduct discourse analysis.
  • Define the Research Question : Develop a relevant research question to frame the analysis.
  • Gather Data and Establish the Context : Collect research materials (e.g., interview transcripts, documents). Gather factual details and review the literature to construct a theory about the social and historical context of your study.
  • Analyze the Content : Closely examine various components of the text, such as the vocabulary, sentences, paragraphs, and structure of the text. Identify patterns relevant to the research question to create codes, then group these into themes.
  • Review the Results : Reflect on the findings to examine the function of the language, and the meaning and context of the discourse. 

Thematic analysis

Thematic analysis is a method used to identify, interpret, and report patterns in data, such as commonalities or contrasts. 

Although the origin of thematic analysis can be traced back to the early twentieth century, understanding and clarity of thematic analysis is attributed to Braun and Clarke (2006).

Thematic analysis aims to develop themes (patterns of meaning) across a dataset to address a research question. 

In thematic analysis, qualitative data is gathered using techniques such as interviews, focus groups, and questionnaires. Audio recordings are transcribed. The dataset is then explored and interpreted by a researcher to identify patterns. 

This occurs through the rigorous process of data familiarisation, coding, theme development, and revision. These identified patterns provide a summary of the dataset and can be used to address a research question.

Themes are developed by exploring the implicit and explicit meanings within the data. Two different approaches are used to generate themes: inductive and deductive. 

An inductive approach allows themes to emerge from the data. In contrast, a deductive approach uses existing theories or knowledge to apply preconceived ideas to the data.

Phases of Thematic Analysis

Braun and Clarke (2006) provide a guide of the six phases of thematic analysis. These phases can be applied flexibly to fit research questions and data. 

Template analysis

Template analysis refers to a specific method of thematic analysis which uses hierarchical coding (Brooks et al., 2014).

Template analysis is used to analyze textual data, for example, interview transcripts or open-ended responses on a written questionnaire.

To conduct template analysis, a coding template must be developed (usually from a subset of the data) and subsequently revised and refined. This template represents the themes identified by researchers as important in the dataset. 

Codes are ordered hierarchically within the template, with the highest-level codes demonstrating overarching themes in the data and lower-level codes representing constituent themes with a narrower focus.

A guideline for the main procedural steps for conducting template analysis is outlined below.
  • Familiarization with the Data : Read (and reread) the dataset in full. Engage, reflect, and take notes on data that may be relevant to the research question.
  • Preliminary Coding : Identify initial codes using guidance from the a priori codes, identified before the analysis as likely to be beneficial and relevant to the analysis.
  • Organize Themes : Organize themes into meaningful clusters. Consider the relationships between the themes both within and between clusters.
  • Produce an Initial Template : Develop an initial template. This may be based on a subset of the data.
  • Apply and Develop the Template : Apply the initial template to further data and make any necessary modifications. Refinements of the template may include adding themes, removing themes, or changing the scope/title of themes. 
  • Finalize Template : Finalize the template, then apply it to the entire dataset. 

Frame analysis

Frame analysis is a comparative form of thematic analysis which systematically analyzes data using a matrix output.

Ritchie and Spencer (1994) developed this set of techniques to analyze qualitative data in applied policy research. Frame analysis aims to generate theory from data.

Frame analysis encourages researchers to organize and manage their data using summarization.

This results in a flexible and unique matrix output, in which individual participants (or cases) are represented by rows and themes are represented by columns. 

Each intersecting cell is used to summarize findings relating to the corresponding participant and theme.

Frame analysis has five distinct phases which are interrelated, forming a methodical and rigorous framework.
  • Familiarization with the Data : Familiarize yourself with all the transcripts. Immerse yourself in the details of each transcript and start to note recurring themes.
  • Develop a Theoretical Framework : Identify recurrent/ important themes and add them to a chart. Provide a framework/ structure for the analysis.
  • Indexing : Apply the framework systematically to the entire study data.
  • Summarize Data in Analytical Framework : Reduce the data into brief summaries of participants’ accounts.
  • Mapping and Interpretation : Compare themes and subthemes and check against the original transcripts. Group the data into categories and provide an explanation for them.

Preventing Bias in Qualitative Research

To evaluate qualitative studies, the CASP (Critical Appraisal Skills Programme) checklist for qualitative studies can be used to ensure all aspects of a study have been considered (CASP, 2018).

The quality of research can be enhanced and assessed using criteria such as checklists, reflexivity, co-coding, and member-checking. 

Co-coding 

Relying on only one researcher to interpret rich and complex data may risk key insights and alternative viewpoints being missed. Therefore, coding is often performed by multiple researchers.

A common strategy must be defined at the beginning of the coding process  (Busetto et al., 2020). This includes establishing a useful coding list and finding a common definition of individual codes.

Transcripts are initially coded independently by researchers and then compared and consolidated to minimize error or bias and to bring confirmation of findings. 

Member checking

Member checking (or respondent validation) involves checking back with participants to see if the research resonates with their experiences (Russell & Gregory, 2003).

Data can be returned to participants after data collection or when results are first available. For example, participants may be provided with their interview transcript and asked to verify whether this is a complete and accurate representation of their views.

Participants may then clarify or elaborate on their responses to ensure they align with their views (Shenton, 2004).

This feedback becomes part of data collection and ensures accurate descriptions/ interpretations of phenomena (Mays & Pope, 2000). 

Reflexivity in qualitative research

Reflexivity typically involves examining your own judgments, practices, and belief systems during data collection and analysis. It aims to identify any personal beliefs which may affect the research. 

Reflexivity is essential in qualitative research to ensure methodological transparency and complete reporting. This enables readers to understand how the interaction between the researcher and participant shapes the data.

Depending on the research question and population being researched, factors that need to be considered include the experience of the researcher, how the contact was established and maintained, age, gender, and ethnicity.

These details are important because, in qualitative research, the researcher is a dynamic part of the research process and actively influences the outcome of the research (Boeije, 2014). 

Reflexivity Example

Who you are and your characteristics influence how you collect and analyze data. Here is an example of a reflexivity statement for research on smoking. I am a 30-year-old white female from a middle-class background. I live in the southwest of England and have been educated to master’s level. I have been involved in two research projects on oral health. I have never smoked, but I have witnessed how smoking can cause ill health from my volunteering in a smoking cessation clinic. My research aspirations are to help to develop interventions to help smokers quit.

Establishing Trustworthiness in Qualitative Research

Trustworthiness is a concept used to assess the quality and rigor of qualitative research. Four criteria are used to assess a study’s trustworthiness: credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability.

Credibility in Qualitative Research

Credibility refers to how accurately the results represent the reality and viewpoints of the participants.

To establish credibility in research, participants’ views and the researcher’s representation of their views need to align (Tobin & Begley, 2004).

To increase the credibility of findings, researchers may use data source triangulation, investigator triangulation, peer debriefing, or member checking (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). 

Transferability in Qualitative Research

Transferability refers to how generalizable the findings are: whether the findings may be applied to another context, setting, or group (Tobin & Begley, 2004).

Transferability can be enhanced by giving thorough and in-depth descriptions of the research setting, sample, and methods (Nowell et al., 2017). 

Dependability in Qualitative Research

Dependability is the extent to which the study could be replicated under similar conditions and the findings would be consistent.

Researchers can establish dependability using methods such as audit trails so readers can see the research process is logical and traceable (Koch, 1994).

Confirmability in Qualitative Research

Confirmability is concerned with establishing that there is a clear link between the researcher’s interpretations/ findings and the data.

Researchers can achieve confirmability by demonstrating how conclusions and interpretations were arrived at (Nowell et al., 2017).

This enables readers to understand the reasoning behind the decisions made. 

Audit Trails in Qualitative Research

An audit trail provides evidence of the decisions made by the researcher regarding theory, research design, and data collection, as well as the steps they have chosen to manage, analyze, and report data. 

The researcher must provide a clear rationale to demonstrate how conclusions were reached in their study.

A clear description of the research path must be provided to enable readers to trace through the researcher’s logic (Halpren, 1983).

Researchers should maintain records of the raw data, field notes, transcripts, and a reflective journal in order to provide a clear audit trail. 

Discovery of unexpected data

Open-ended questions in qualitative research mean the researcher can probe an interview topic and enable the participant to elaborate on responses in an unrestricted manner.

This allows unexpected data to emerge, which can lead to further research into that topic. 

The exploratory nature of qualitative research helps generate hypotheses that can be tested quantitatively (Busetto et al., 2020).

Flexibility

Data collection and analysis can be modified and adapted to take the research in a different direction if new ideas or patterns emerge in the data.

This enables researchers to investigate new opportunities while firmly maintaining their research goals. 

Naturalistic settings

The behaviors of participants are recorded in real-world settings. Studies that use real-world settings have high ecological validity since participants behave more authentically. 

Limitations

Time-consuming .

Qualitative research results in large amounts of data which often need to be transcribed and analyzed manually.

Even when software is used, transcription can be inaccurate, and using software for analysis can result in many codes which need to be condensed into themes. 

Subjectivity 

The researcher has an integral role in collecting and interpreting qualitative data. Therefore, the conclusions reached are from their perspective and experience.

Consequently, interpretations of data from another researcher may vary greatly. 

Limited generalizability

The aim of qualitative research is to provide a detailed, contextualized understanding of an aspect of the human experience from a relatively small sample size.

Despite rigorous analysis procedures, conclusions drawn cannot be generalized to the wider population since data may be biased or unrepresentative.

Therefore, results are only applicable to a small group of the population. 

Extraneous variables

Qualitative research is often conducted in real-world settings. This may cause results to be unreliable since extraneous variables may affect the data, for example:

  • Situational variables : different environmental conditions may influence participants’ behavior in a study. The random variation in factors (such as noise or lighting) may be difficult to control in real-world settings.
  • Participant characteristics : this includes any characteristics that may influence how a participant answers/ behaves in a study. This may include a participant’s mood, gender, age, ethnicity, sexual identity, IQ, etc.
  • Experimenter effect : experimenter effect refers to how a researcher’s unintentional influence can change the outcome of a study. This occurs when (i) their interactions with participants unintentionally change participants’ behaviors or (ii) due to errors in observation, interpretation, or analysis. 

What sample size should qualitative research be?

The sample size for qualitative studies has been recommended to include a minimum of 12 participants to reach data saturation (Braun, 2013).

Are surveys qualitative or quantitative?

Surveys can be used to gather information from a sample qualitatively or quantitatively. Qualitative surveys use open-ended questions to gather detailed information from a large sample using free text responses.

The use of open-ended questions allows for unrestricted responses where participants use their own words, enabling the collection of more in-depth information than closed-ended questions.

In contrast, quantitative surveys consist of closed-ended questions with multiple-choice answer options. Quantitative surveys are ideal to gather a statistical representation of a population.

What are the ethical considerations of qualitative research?

Before conducting a study, you must think about any risks that could occur and take steps to prevent them. Participant Protection : Researchers must protect participants from physical and mental harm. This means you must not embarrass, frighten, offend, or harm participants. Transparency : Researchers are obligated to clearly communicate how they will collect, store, analyze, use, and share the data. Confidentiality : You need to consider how to maintain the confidentiality and anonymity of participants’ data.

What is triangulation in qualitative research?

Triangulation refers to the use of several approaches in a study to comprehensively understand phenomena. This method helps to increase the validity and credibility of research findings. 

Types of triangulation include method triangulation (using multiple methods to gather data); investigator triangulation (multiple researchers for collecting/ analyzing data), theory triangulation (comparing several theoretical perspectives to explain a phenomenon), and data source triangulation (using data from various times, locations, and people; Carter et al., 2014).

Why is qualitative research important?

Qualitative research allows researchers to describe and explain the social world. The exploratory nature of qualitative research helps to generate hypotheses that can then be tested quantitatively.

In qualitative research, participants are able to express their thoughts, experiences, and feelings without constraint.

Additionally, researchers are able to follow up on participants’ answers in real-time, generating valuable discussion around a topic. This enables researchers to gain a nuanced understanding of phenomena which is difficult to attain using quantitative methods.

What is coding data in qualitative research?

Coding data is a qualitative data analysis strategy in which a section of text is assigned with a label that describes its content.

These labels may be words or phrases which represent important (and recurring) patterns in the data.

This process enables researchers to identify related content across the dataset. Codes can then be used to group similar types of data to generate themes.

What is the difference between qualitative and quantitative research?

Qualitative research involves the collection and analysis of non-numerical data in order to understand experiences and meanings from the participant’s perspective.

This can provide rich, in-depth insights on complicated phenomena. Qualitative data may be collected using interviews, focus groups, or observations.

In contrast, quantitative research involves the collection and analysis of numerical data to measure the frequency, magnitude, or relationships of variables. This can provide objective and reliable evidence that can be generalized to the wider population.

Quantitative data may be collected using closed-ended questionnaires or experiments.

What is trustworthiness in qualitative research?

Trustworthiness is a concept used to assess the quality and rigor of qualitative research. Four criteria are used to assess a study’s trustworthiness: credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability. 

Credibility refers to how accurately the results represent the reality and viewpoints of the participants. Transferability refers to whether the findings may be applied to another context, setting, or group.

Dependability is the extent to which the findings are consistent and reliable. Confirmability refers to the objectivity of findings (not influenced by the bias or assumptions of researchers).

What is data saturation in qualitative research?

Data saturation is a methodological principle used to guide the sample size of a qualitative research study.

Data saturation is proposed as a necessary methodological component in qualitative research (Saunders et al., 2018) as it is a vital criterion for discontinuing data collection and/or analysis. 

The intention of data saturation is to find “no new data, no new themes, no new coding, and ability to replicate the study” (Guest et al., 2006). Therefore, enough data has been gathered to make conclusions.

Why is sampling in qualitative research important?

In quantitative research, large sample sizes are used to provide statistically significant quantitative estimates.

This is because quantitative research aims to provide generalizable conclusions that represent populations.

However, the aim of sampling in qualitative research is to gather data that will help the researcher understand the depth, complexity, variation, or context of a phenomenon. The small sample sizes in qualitative studies support the depth of case-oriented analysis.

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Criteria for Good Qualitative Research: A Comprehensive Review

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  • Published: 18 September 2021
  • Volume 31 , pages 679–689, ( 2022 )

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example study of qualitative research

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This review aims to synthesize a published set of evaluative criteria for good qualitative research. The aim is to shed light on existing standards for assessing the rigor of qualitative research encompassing a range of epistemological and ontological standpoints. Using a systematic search strategy, published journal articles that deliberate criteria for rigorous research were identified. Then, references of relevant articles were surveyed to find noteworthy, distinct, and well-defined pointers to good qualitative research. This review presents an investigative assessment of the pivotal features in qualitative research that can permit the readers to pass judgment on its quality and to condemn it as good research when objectively and adequately utilized. Overall, this review underlines the crux of qualitative research and accentuates the necessity to evaluate such research by the very tenets of its being. It also offers some prospects and recommendations to improve the quality of qualitative research. Based on the findings of this review, it is concluded that quality criteria are the aftereffect of socio-institutional procedures and existing paradigmatic conducts. Owing to the paradigmatic diversity of qualitative research, a single and specific set of quality criteria is neither feasible nor anticipated. Since qualitative research is not a cohesive discipline, researchers need to educate and familiarize themselves with applicable norms and decisive factors to evaluate qualitative research from within its theoretical and methodological framework of origin.

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example study of qualitative research

Good Qualitative Research: Opening up the Debate

Beyond qualitative/quantitative structuralism: the positivist qualitative research and the paradigmatic disclaimer.

example study of qualitative research

What is Qualitative in Research

Avoid common mistakes on your manuscript.

Introduction

“… It is important to regularly dialogue about what makes for good qualitative research” (Tracy, 2010 , p. 837)

To decide what represents good qualitative research is highly debatable. There are numerous methods that are contained within qualitative research and that are established on diverse philosophical perspectives. Bryman et al., ( 2008 , p. 262) suggest that “It is widely assumed that whereas quality criteria for quantitative research are well‐known and widely agreed, this is not the case for qualitative research.” Hence, the question “how to evaluate the quality of qualitative research” has been continuously debated. There are many areas of science and technology wherein these debates on the assessment of qualitative research have taken place. Examples include various areas of psychology: general psychology (Madill et al., 2000 ); counseling psychology (Morrow, 2005 ); and clinical psychology (Barker & Pistrang, 2005 ), and other disciplines of social sciences: social policy (Bryman et al., 2008 ); health research (Sparkes, 2001 ); business and management research (Johnson et al., 2006 ); information systems (Klein & Myers, 1999 ); and environmental studies (Reid & Gough, 2000 ). In the literature, these debates are enthused by the impression that the blanket application of criteria for good qualitative research developed around the positivist paradigm is improper. Such debates are based on the wide range of philosophical backgrounds within which qualitative research is conducted (e.g., Sandberg, 2000 ; Schwandt, 1996 ). The existence of methodological diversity led to the formulation of different sets of criteria applicable to qualitative research.

Among qualitative researchers, the dilemma of governing the measures to assess the quality of research is not a new phenomenon, especially when the virtuous triad of objectivity, reliability, and validity (Spencer et al., 2004 ) are not adequate. Occasionally, the criteria of quantitative research are used to evaluate qualitative research (Cohen & Crabtree, 2008 ; Lather, 2004 ). Indeed, Howe ( 2004 ) claims that the prevailing paradigm in educational research is scientifically based experimental research. Hypotheses and conjectures about the preeminence of quantitative research can weaken the worth and usefulness of qualitative research by neglecting the prominence of harmonizing match for purpose on research paradigm, the epistemological stance of the researcher, and the choice of methodology. Researchers have been reprimanded concerning this in “paradigmatic controversies, contradictions, and emerging confluences” (Lincoln & Guba, 2000 ).

In general, qualitative research tends to come from a very different paradigmatic stance and intrinsically demands distinctive and out-of-the-ordinary criteria for evaluating good research and varieties of research contributions that can be made. This review attempts to present a series of evaluative criteria for qualitative researchers, arguing that their choice of criteria needs to be compatible with the unique nature of the research in question (its methodology, aims, and assumptions). This review aims to assist researchers in identifying some of the indispensable features or markers of high-quality qualitative research. In a nutshell, the purpose of this systematic literature review is to analyze the existing knowledge on high-quality qualitative research and to verify the existence of research studies dealing with the critical assessment of qualitative research based on the concept of diverse paradigmatic stances. Contrary to the existing reviews, this review also suggests some critical directions to follow to improve the quality of qualitative research in different epistemological and ontological perspectives. This review is also intended to provide guidelines for the acceleration of future developments and dialogues among qualitative researchers in the context of assessing the qualitative research.

The rest of this review article is structured in the following fashion: Sect.  Methods describes the method followed for performing this review. Section Criteria for Evaluating Qualitative Studies provides a comprehensive description of the criteria for evaluating qualitative studies. This section is followed by a summary of the strategies to improve the quality of qualitative research in Sect.  Improving Quality: Strategies . Section  How to Assess the Quality of the Research Findings? provides details on how to assess the quality of the research findings. After that, some of the quality checklists (as tools to evaluate quality) are discussed in Sect.  Quality Checklists: Tools for Assessing the Quality . At last, the review ends with the concluding remarks presented in Sect.  Conclusions, Future Directions and Outlook . Some prospects in qualitative research for enhancing its quality and usefulness in the social and techno-scientific research community are also presented in Sect.  Conclusions, Future Directions and Outlook .

For this review, a comprehensive literature search was performed from many databases using generic search terms such as Qualitative Research , Criteria , etc . The following databases were chosen for the literature search based on the high number of results: IEEE Explore, ScienceDirect, PubMed, Google Scholar, and Web of Science. The following keywords (and their combinations using Boolean connectives OR/AND) were adopted for the literature search: qualitative research, criteria, quality, assessment, and validity. The synonyms for these keywords were collected and arranged in a logical structure (see Table 1 ). All publications in journals and conference proceedings later than 1950 till 2021 were considered for the search. Other articles extracted from the references of the papers identified in the electronic search were also included. A large number of publications on qualitative research were retrieved during the initial screening. Hence, to include the searches with the main focus on criteria for good qualitative research, an inclusion criterion was utilized in the search string.

From the selected databases, the search retrieved a total of 765 publications. Then, the duplicate records were removed. After that, based on the title and abstract, the remaining 426 publications were screened for their relevance by using the following inclusion and exclusion criteria (see Table 2 ). Publications focusing on evaluation criteria for good qualitative research were included, whereas those works which delivered theoretical concepts on qualitative research were excluded. Based on the screening and eligibility, 45 research articles were identified that offered explicit criteria for evaluating the quality of qualitative research and were found to be relevant to this review.

Figure  1 illustrates the complete review process in the form of PRISMA flow diagram. PRISMA, i.e., “preferred reporting items for systematic reviews and meta-analyses” is employed in systematic reviews to refine the quality of reporting.

figure 1

PRISMA flow diagram illustrating the search and inclusion process. N represents the number of records

Criteria for Evaluating Qualitative Studies

Fundamental criteria: general research quality.

Various researchers have put forward criteria for evaluating qualitative research, which have been summarized in Table 3 . Also, the criteria outlined in Table 4 effectively deliver the various approaches to evaluate and assess the quality of qualitative work. The entries in Table 4 are based on Tracy’s “Eight big‐tent criteria for excellent qualitative research” (Tracy, 2010 ). Tracy argues that high-quality qualitative work should formulate criteria focusing on the worthiness, relevance, timeliness, significance, morality, and practicality of the research topic, and the ethical stance of the research itself. Researchers have also suggested a series of questions as guiding principles to assess the quality of a qualitative study (Mays & Pope, 2020 ). Nassaji ( 2020 ) argues that good qualitative research should be robust, well informed, and thoroughly documented.

Qualitative Research: Interpretive Paradigms

All qualitative researchers follow highly abstract principles which bring together beliefs about ontology, epistemology, and methodology. These beliefs govern how the researcher perceives and acts. The net, which encompasses the researcher’s epistemological, ontological, and methodological premises, is referred to as a paradigm, or an interpretive structure, a “Basic set of beliefs that guides action” (Guba, 1990 ). Four major interpretive paradigms structure the qualitative research: positivist and postpositivist, constructivist interpretive, critical (Marxist, emancipatory), and feminist poststructural. The complexity of these four abstract paradigms increases at the level of concrete, specific interpretive communities. Table 5 presents these paradigms and their assumptions, including their criteria for evaluating research, and the typical form that an interpretive or theoretical statement assumes in each paradigm. Moreover, for evaluating qualitative research, quantitative conceptualizations of reliability and validity are proven to be incompatible (Horsburgh, 2003 ). In addition, a series of questions have been put forward in the literature to assist a reviewer (who is proficient in qualitative methods) for meticulous assessment and endorsement of qualitative research (Morse, 2003 ). Hammersley ( 2007 ) also suggests that guiding principles for qualitative research are advantageous, but methodological pluralism should not be simply acknowledged for all qualitative approaches. Seale ( 1999 ) also points out the significance of methodological cognizance in research studies.

Table 5 reflects that criteria for assessing the quality of qualitative research are the aftermath of socio-institutional practices and existing paradigmatic standpoints. Owing to the paradigmatic diversity of qualitative research, a single set of quality criteria is neither possible nor desirable. Hence, the researchers must be reflexive about the criteria they use in the various roles they play within their research community.

Improving Quality: Strategies

Another critical question is “How can the qualitative researchers ensure that the abovementioned quality criteria can be met?” Lincoln and Guba ( 1986 ) delineated several strategies to intensify each criteria of trustworthiness. Other researchers (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016 ; Shenton, 2004 ) also presented such strategies. A brief description of these strategies is shown in Table 6 .

It is worth mentioning that generalizability is also an integral part of qualitative research (Hays & McKibben, 2021 ). In general, the guiding principle pertaining to generalizability speaks about inducing and comprehending knowledge to synthesize interpretive components of an underlying context. Table 7 summarizes the main metasynthesis steps required to ascertain generalizability in qualitative research.

Figure  2 reflects the crucial components of a conceptual framework and their contribution to decisions regarding research design, implementation, and applications of results to future thinking, study, and practice (Johnson et al., 2020 ). The synergy and interrelationship of these components signifies their role to different stances of a qualitative research study.

figure 2

Essential elements of a conceptual framework

In a nutshell, to assess the rationale of a study, its conceptual framework and research question(s), quality criteria must take account of the following: lucid context for the problem statement in the introduction; well-articulated research problems and questions; precise conceptual framework; distinct research purpose; and clear presentation and investigation of the paradigms. These criteria would expedite the quality of qualitative research.

How to Assess the Quality of the Research Findings?

The inclusion of quotes or similar research data enhances the confirmability in the write-up of the findings. The use of expressions (for instance, “80% of all respondents agreed that” or “only one of the interviewees mentioned that”) may also quantify qualitative findings (Stenfors et al., 2020 ). On the other hand, the persuasive reason for “why this may not help in intensifying the research” has also been provided (Monrouxe & Rees, 2020 ). Further, the Discussion and Conclusion sections of an article also prove robust markers of high-quality qualitative research, as elucidated in Table 8 .

Quality Checklists: Tools for Assessing the Quality

Numerous checklists are available to speed up the assessment of the quality of qualitative research. However, if used uncritically and recklessly concerning the research context, these checklists may be counterproductive. I recommend that such lists and guiding principles may assist in pinpointing the markers of high-quality qualitative research. However, considering enormous variations in the authors’ theoretical and philosophical contexts, I would emphasize that high dependability on such checklists may say little about whether the findings can be applied in your setting. A combination of such checklists might be appropriate for novice researchers. Some of these checklists are listed below:

The most commonly used framework is Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research (COREQ) (Tong et al., 2007 ). This framework is recommended by some journals to be followed by the authors during article submission.

Standards for Reporting Qualitative Research (SRQR) is another checklist that has been created particularly for medical education (O’Brien et al., 2014 ).

Also, Tracy ( 2010 ) and Critical Appraisal Skills Programme (CASP, 2021 ) offer criteria for qualitative research relevant across methods and approaches.

Further, researchers have also outlined different criteria as hallmarks of high-quality qualitative research. For instance, the “Road Trip Checklist” (Epp & Otnes, 2021 ) provides a quick reference to specific questions to address different elements of high-quality qualitative research.

Conclusions, Future Directions, and Outlook

This work presents a broad review of the criteria for good qualitative research. In addition, this article presents an exploratory analysis of the essential elements in qualitative research that can enable the readers of qualitative work to judge it as good research when objectively and adequately utilized. In this review, some of the essential markers that indicate high-quality qualitative research have been highlighted. I scope them narrowly to achieve rigor in qualitative research and note that they do not completely cover the broader considerations necessary for high-quality research. This review points out that a universal and versatile one-size-fits-all guideline for evaluating the quality of qualitative research does not exist. In other words, this review also emphasizes the non-existence of a set of common guidelines among qualitative researchers. In unison, this review reinforces that each qualitative approach should be treated uniquely on account of its own distinctive features for different epistemological and disciplinary positions. Owing to the sensitivity of the worth of qualitative research towards the specific context and the type of paradigmatic stance, researchers should themselves analyze what approaches can be and must be tailored to ensemble the distinct characteristics of the phenomenon under investigation. Although this article does not assert to put forward a magic bullet and to provide a one-stop solution for dealing with dilemmas about how, why, or whether to evaluate the “goodness” of qualitative research, it offers a platform to assist the researchers in improving their qualitative studies. This work provides an assembly of concerns to reflect on, a series of questions to ask, and multiple sets of criteria to look at, when attempting to determine the quality of qualitative research. Overall, this review underlines the crux of qualitative research and accentuates the need to evaluate such research by the very tenets of its being. Bringing together the vital arguments and delineating the requirements that good qualitative research should satisfy, this review strives to equip the researchers as well as reviewers to make well-versed judgment about the worth and significance of the qualitative research under scrutiny. In a nutshell, a comprehensive portrayal of the research process (from the context of research to the research objectives, research questions and design, speculative foundations, and from approaches of collecting data to analyzing the results, to deriving inferences) frequently proliferates the quality of a qualitative research.

Prospects : A Road Ahead for Qualitative Research

Irrefutably, qualitative research is a vivacious and evolving discipline wherein different epistemological and disciplinary positions have their own characteristics and importance. In addition, not surprisingly, owing to the sprouting and varied features of qualitative research, no consensus has been pulled off till date. Researchers have reflected various concerns and proposed several recommendations for editors and reviewers on conducting reviews of critical qualitative research (Levitt et al., 2021 ; McGinley et al., 2021 ). Following are some prospects and a few recommendations put forward towards the maturation of qualitative research and its quality evaluation:

In general, most of the manuscript and grant reviewers are not qualitative experts. Hence, it is more likely that they would prefer to adopt a broad set of criteria. However, researchers and reviewers need to keep in mind that it is inappropriate to utilize the same approaches and conducts among all qualitative research. Therefore, future work needs to focus on educating researchers and reviewers about the criteria to evaluate qualitative research from within the suitable theoretical and methodological context.

There is an urgent need to refurbish and augment critical assessment of some well-known and widely accepted tools (including checklists such as COREQ, SRQR) to interrogate their applicability on different aspects (along with their epistemological ramifications).

Efforts should be made towards creating more space for creativity, experimentation, and a dialogue between the diverse traditions of qualitative research. This would potentially help to avoid the enforcement of one's own set of quality criteria on the work carried out by others.

Moreover, journal reviewers need to be aware of various methodological practices and philosophical debates.

It is pivotal to highlight the expressions and considerations of qualitative researchers and bring them into a more open and transparent dialogue about assessing qualitative research in techno-scientific, academic, sociocultural, and political rooms.

Frequent debates on the use of evaluative criteria are required to solve some potentially resolved issues (including the applicability of a single set of criteria in multi-disciplinary aspects). Such debates would not only benefit the group of qualitative researchers themselves, but primarily assist in augmenting the well-being and vivacity of the entire discipline.

To conclude, I speculate that the criteria, and my perspective, may transfer to other methods, approaches, and contexts. I hope that they spark dialog and debate – about criteria for excellent qualitative research and the underpinnings of the discipline more broadly – and, therefore, help improve the quality of a qualitative study. Further, I anticipate that this review will assist the researchers to contemplate on the quality of their own research, to substantiate research design and help the reviewers to review qualitative research for journals. On a final note, I pinpoint the need to formulate a framework (encompassing the prerequisites of a qualitative study) by the cohesive efforts of qualitative researchers of different disciplines with different theoretic-paradigmatic origins. I believe that tailoring such a framework (of guiding principles) paves the way for qualitative researchers to consolidate the status of qualitative research in the wide-ranging open science debate. Dialogue on this issue across different approaches is crucial for the impending prospects of socio-techno-educational research.

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Yadav, D. Criteria for Good Qualitative Research: A Comprehensive Review. Asia-Pacific Edu Res 31 , 679–689 (2022). https://doi.org/10.1007/s40299-021-00619-0

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How to use and assess qualitative research methods

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This paper aims to provide an overview of the use and assessment of qualitative research methods in the health sciences. Qualitative research can be defined as the study of the nature of phenomena and is especially appropriate for answering questions of why something is (not) observed, assessing complex multi-component interventions, and focussing on intervention improvement. The most common methods of data collection are document study, (non-) participant observations, semi-structured interviews and focus groups. For data analysis, field-notes and audio-recordings are transcribed into protocols and transcripts, and coded using qualitative data management software. Criteria such as checklists, reflexivity, sampling strategies, piloting, co-coding, member-checking and stakeholder involvement can be used to enhance and assess the quality of the research conducted. Using qualitative in addition to quantitative designs will equip us with better tools to address a greater range of research problems, and to fill in blind spots in current neurological research and practice.

The aim of this paper is to provide an overview of qualitative research methods, including hands-on information on how they can be used, reported and assessed. This article is intended for beginning qualitative researchers in the health sciences as well as experienced quantitative researchers who wish to broaden their understanding of qualitative research.

What is qualitative research?

Qualitative research is defined as “the study of the nature of phenomena”, including “their quality, different manifestations, the context in which they appear or the perspectives from which they can be perceived” , but excluding “their range, frequency and place in an objectively determined chain of cause and effect” [ 1 ]. This formal definition can be complemented with a more pragmatic rule of thumb: qualitative research generally includes data in form of words rather than numbers [ 2 ].

Why conduct qualitative research?

Because some research questions cannot be answered using (only) quantitative methods. For example, one Australian study addressed the issue of why patients from Aboriginal communities often present late or not at all to specialist services offered by tertiary care hospitals. Using qualitative interviews with patients and staff, it found one of the most significant access barriers to be transportation problems, including some towns and communities simply not having a bus service to the hospital [ 3 ]. A quantitative study could have measured the number of patients over time or even looked at possible explanatory factors – but only those previously known or suspected to be of relevance. To discover reasons for observed patterns, especially the invisible or surprising ones, qualitative designs are needed.

While qualitative research is common in other fields, it is still relatively underrepresented in health services research. The latter field is more traditionally rooted in the evidence-based-medicine paradigm, as seen in " research that involves testing the effectiveness of various strategies to achieve changes in clinical practice, preferably applying randomised controlled trial study designs (...) " [ 4 ]. This focus on quantitative research and specifically randomised controlled trials (RCT) is visible in the idea of a hierarchy of research evidence which assumes that some research designs are objectively better than others, and that choosing a "lesser" design is only acceptable when the better ones are not practically or ethically feasible [ 5 , 6 ]. Others, however, argue that an objective hierarchy does not exist, and that, instead, the research design and methods should be chosen to fit the specific research question at hand – "questions before methods" [ 2 , 7 , 8 , 9 ]. This means that even when an RCT is possible, some research problems require a different design that is better suited to addressing them. Arguing in JAMA, Berwick uses the example of rapid response teams in hospitals, which he describes as " a complex, multicomponent intervention – essentially a process of social change" susceptible to a range of different context factors including leadership or organisation history. According to him, "[in] such complex terrain, the RCT is an impoverished way to learn. Critics who use it as a truth standard in this context are incorrect" [ 8 ] . Instead of limiting oneself to RCTs, Berwick recommends embracing a wider range of methods , including qualitative ones, which for "these specific applications, (...) are not compromises in learning how to improve; they are superior" [ 8 ].

Research problems that can be approached particularly well using qualitative methods include assessing complex multi-component interventions or systems (of change), addressing questions beyond “what works”, towards “what works for whom when, how and why”, and focussing on intervention improvement rather than accreditation [ 7 , 9 , 10 , 11 , 12 ]. Using qualitative methods can also help shed light on the “softer” side of medical treatment. For example, while quantitative trials can measure the costs and benefits of neuro-oncological treatment in terms of survival rates or adverse effects, qualitative research can help provide a better understanding of patient or caregiver stress, visibility of illness or out-of-pocket expenses.

How to conduct qualitative research?

Given that qualitative research is characterised by flexibility, openness and responsivity to context, the steps of data collection and analysis are not as separate and consecutive as they tend to be in quantitative research [ 13 , 14 ]. As Fossey puts it : “sampling, data collection, analysis and interpretation are related to each other in a cyclical (iterative) manner, rather than following one after another in a stepwise approach” [ 15 ]. The researcher can make educated decisions with regard to the choice of method, how they are implemented, and to which and how many units they are applied [ 13 ]. As shown in Fig.  1 , this can involve several back-and-forth steps between data collection and analysis where new insights and experiences can lead to adaption and expansion of the original plan. Some insights may also necessitate a revision of the research question and/or the research design as a whole. The process ends when saturation is achieved, i.e. when no relevant new information can be found (see also below: sampling and saturation). For reasons of transparency, it is essential for all decisions as well as the underlying reasoning to be well-documented.

figure 1

Iterative research process

While it is not always explicitly addressed, qualitative methods reflect a different underlying research paradigm than quantitative research (e.g. constructivism or interpretivism as opposed to positivism). The choice of methods can be based on the respective underlying substantive theory or theoretical framework used by the researcher [ 2 ].

Data collection

The methods of qualitative data collection most commonly used in health research are document study, observations, semi-structured interviews and focus groups [ 1 , 14 , 16 , 17 ].

Document study

Document study (also called document analysis) refers to the review by the researcher of written materials [ 14 ]. These can include personal and non-personal documents such as archives, annual reports, guidelines, policy documents, diaries or letters.

Observations

Observations are particularly useful to gain insights into a certain setting and actual behaviour – as opposed to reported behaviour or opinions [ 13 ]. Qualitative observations can be either participant or non-participant in nature. In participant observations, the observer is part of the observed setting, for example a nurse working in an intensive care unit [ 18 ]. In non-participant observations, the observer is “on the outside looking in”, i.e. present in but not part of the situation, trying not to influence the setting by their presence. Observations can be planned (e.g. for 3 h during the day or night shift) or ad hoc (e.g. as soon as a stroke patient arrives at the emergency room). During the observation, the observer takes notes on everything or certain pre-determined parts of what is happening around them, for example focusing on physician-patient interactions or communication between different professional groups. Written notes can be taken during or after the observations, depending on feasibility (which is usually lower during participant observations) and acceptability (e.g. when the observer is perceived to be judging the observed). Afterwards, these field notes are transcribed into observation protocols. If more than one observer was involved, field notes are taken independently, but notes can be consolidated into one protocol after discussions. Advantages of conducting observations include minimising the distance between the researcher and the researched, the potential discovery of topics that the researcher did not realise were relevant and gaining deeper insights into the real-world dimensions of the research problem at hand [ 18 ].

Semi-structured interviews

Hijmans & Kuyper describe qualitative interviews as “an exchange with an informal character, a conversation with a goal” [ 19 ]. Interviews are used to gain insights into a person’s subjective experiences, opinions and motivations – as opposed to facts or behaviours [ 13 ]. Interviews can be distinguished by the degree to which they are structured (i.e. a questionnaire), open (e.g. free conversation or autobiographical interviews) or semi-structured [ 2 , 13 ]. Semi-structured interviews are characterized by open-ended questions and the use of an interview guide (or topic guide/list) in which the broad areas of interest, sometimes including sub-questions, are defined [ 19 ]. The pre-defined topics in the interview guide can be derived from the literature, previous research or a preliminary method of data collection, e.g. document study or observations. The topic list is usually adapted and improved at the start of the data collection process as the interviewer learns more about the field [ 20 ]. Across interviews the focus on the different (blocks of) questions may differ and some questions may be skipped altogether (e.g. if the interviewee is not able or willing to answer the questions or for concerns about the total length of the interview) [ 20 ]. Qualitative interviews are usually not conducted in written format as it impedes on the interactive component of the method [ 20 ]. In comparison to written surveys, qualitative interviews have the advantage of being interactive and allowing for unexpected topics to emerge and to be taken up by the researcher. This can also help overcome a provider or researcher-centred bias often found in written surveys, which by nature, can only measure what is already known or expected to be of relevance to the researcher. Interviews can be audio- or video-taped; but sometimes it is only feasible or acceptable for the interviewer to take written notes [ 14 , 16 , 20 ].

Focus groups

Focus groups are group interviews to explore participants’ expertise and experiences, including explorations of how and why people behave in certain ways [ 1 ]. Focus groups usually consist of 6–8 people and are led by an experienced moderator following a topic guide or “script” [ 21 ]. They can involve an observer who takes note of the non-verbal aspects of the situation, possibly using an observation guide [ 21 ]. Depending on researchers’ and participants’ preferences, the discussions can be audio- or video-taped and transcribed afterwards [ 21 ]. Focus groups are useful for bringing together homogeneous (to a lesser extent heterogeneous) groups of participants with relevant expertise and experience on a given topic on which they can share detailed information [ 21 ]. Focus groups are a relatively easy, fast and inexpensive method to gain access to information on interactions in a given group, i.e. “the sharing and comparing” among participants [ 21 ]. Disadvantages include less control over the process and a lesser extent to which each individual may participate. Moreover, focus group moderators need experience, as do those tasked with the analysis of the resulting data. Focus groups can be less appropriate for discussing sensitive topics that participants might be reluctant to disclose in a group setting [ 13 ]. Moreover, attention must be paid to the emergence of “groupthink” as well as possible power dynamics within the group, e.g. when patients are awed or intimidated by health professionals.

Choosing the “right” method

As explained above, the school of thought underlying qualitative research assumes no objective hierarchy of evidence and methods. This means that each choice of single or combined methods has to be based on the research question that needs to be answered and a critical assessment with regard to whether or to what extent the chosen method can accomplish this – i.e. the “fit” between question and method [ 14 ]. It is necessary for these decisions to be documented when they are being made, and to be critically discussed when reporting methods and results.

Let us assume that our research aim is to examine the (clinical) processes around acute endovascular treatment (EVT), from the patient’s arrival at the emergency room to recanalization, with the aim to identify possible causes for delay and/or other causes for sub-optimal treatment outcome. As a first step, we could conduct a document study of the relevant standard operating procedures (SOPs) for this phase of care – are they up-to-date and in line with current guidelines? Do they contain any mistakes, irregularities or uncertainties that could cause delays or other problems? Regardless of the answers to these questions, the results have to be interpreted based on what they are: a written outline of what care processes in this hospital should look like. If we want to know what they actually look like in practice, we can conduct observations of the processes described in the SOPs. These results can (and should) be analysed in themselves, but also in comparison to the results of the document analysis, especially as regards relevant discrepancies. Do the SOPs outline specific tests for which no equipment can be observed or tasks to be performed by specialized nurses who are not present during the observation? It might also be possible that the written SOP is outdated, but the actual care provided is in line with current best practice. In order to find out why these discrepancies exist, it can be useful to conduct interviews. Are the physicians simply not aware of the SOPs (because their existence is limited to the hospital’s intranet) or do they actively disagree with them or does the infrastructure make it impossible to provide the care as described? Another rationale for adding interviews is that some situations (or all of their possible variations for different patient groups or the day, night or weekend shift) cannot practically or ethically be observed. In this case, it is possible to ask those involved to report on their actions – being aware that this is not the same as the actual observation. A senior physician’s or hospital manager’s description of certain situations might differ from a nurse’s or junior physician’s one, maybe because they intentionally misrepresent facts or maybe because different aspects of the process are visible or important to them. In some cases, it can also be relevant to consider to whom the interviewee is disclosing this information – someone they trust, someone they are otherwise not connected to, or someone they suspect or are aware of being in a potentially “dangerous” power relationship to them. Lastly, a focus group could be conducted with representatives of the relevant professional groups to explore how and why exactly they provide care around EVT. The discussion might reveal discrepancies (between SOPs and actual care or between different physicians) and motivations to the researchers as well as to the focus group members that they might not have been aware of themselves. For the focus group to deliver relevant information, attention has to be paid to its composition and conduct, for example, to make sure that all participants feel safe to disclose sensitive or potentially problematic information or that the discussion is not dominated by (senior) physicians only. The resulting combination of data collection methods is shown in Fig.  2 .

figure 2

Possible combination of data collection methods

Attributions for icons: “Book” by Serhii Smirnov, “Interview” by Adrien Coquet, FR, “Magnifying Glass” by anggun, ID, “Business communication” by Vectors Market; all from the Noun Project

The combination of multiple data source as described for this example can be referred to as “triangulation”, in which multiple measurements are carried out from different angles to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon under study [ 22 , 23 ].

Data analysis

To analyse the data collected through observations, interviews and focus groups these need to be transcribed into protocols and transcripts (see Fig.  3 ). Interviews and focus groups can be transcribed verbatim , with or without annotations for behaviour (e.g. laughing, crying, pausing) and with or without phonetic transcription of dialects and filler words, depending on what is expected or known to be relevant for the analysis. In the next step, the protocols and transcripts are coded , that is, marked (or tagged, labelled) with one or more short descriptors of the content of a sentence or paragraph [ 2 , 15 , 23 ]. Jansen describes coding as “connecting the raw data with “theoretical” terms” [ 20 ]. In a more practical sense, coding makes raw data sortable. This makes it possible to extract and examine all segments describing, say, a tele-neurology consultation from multiple data sources (e.g. SOPs, emergency room observations, staff and patient interview). In a process of synthesis and abstraction, the codes are then grouped, summarised and/or categorised [ 15 , 20 ]. The end product of the coding or analysis process is a descriptive theory of the behavioural pattern under investigation [ 20 ]. The coding process is performed using qualitative data management software, the most common ones being InVivo, MaxQDA and Atlas.ti. It should be noted that these are data management tools which support the analysis performed by the researcher(s) [ 14 ].

figure 3

From data collection to data analysis

Attributions for icons: see Fig. 2 , also “Speech to text” by Trevor Dsouza, “Field Notes” by Mike O’Brien, US, “Voice Record” by ProSymbols, US, “Inspection” by Made, AU, and “Cloud” by Graphic Tigers; all from the Noun Project

How to report qualitative research?

Protocols of qualitative research can be published separately and in advance of the study results. However, the aim is not the same as in RCT protocols, i.e. to pre-define and set in stone the research questions and primary or secondary endpoints. Rather, it is a way to describe the research methods in detail, which might not be possible in the results paper given journals’ word limits. Qualitative research papers are usually longer than their quantitative counterparts to allow for deep understanding and so-called “thick description”. In the methods section, the focus is on transparency of the methods used, including why, how and by whom they were implemented in the specific study setting, so as to enable a discussion of whether and how this may have influenced data collection, analysis and interpretation. The results section usually starts with a paragraph outlining the main findings, followed by more detailed descriptions of, for example, the commonalities, discrepancies or exceptions per category [ 20 ]. Here it is important to support main findings by relevant quotations, which may add information, context, emphasis or real-life examples [ 20 , 23 ]. It is subject to debate in the field whether it is relevant to state the exact number or percentage of respondents supporting a certain statement (e.g. “Five interviewees expressed negative feelings towards XYZ”) [ 21 ].

How to combine qualitative with quantitative research?

Qualitative methods can be combined with other methods in multi- or mixed methods designs, which “[employ] two or more different methods [ …] within the same study or research program rather than confining the research to one single method” [ 24 ]. Reasons for combining methods can be diverse, including triangulation for corroboration of findings, complementarity for illustration and clarification of results, expansion to extend the breadth and range of the study, explanation of (unexpected) results generated with one method with the help of another, or offsetting the weakness of one method with the strength of another [ 1 , 17 , 24 , 25 , 26 ]. The resulting designs can be classified according to when, why and how the different quantitative and/or qualitative data strands are combined. The three most common types of mixed method designs are the convergent parallel design , the explanatory sequential design and the exploratory sequential design. The designs with examples are shown in Fig.  4 .

figure 4

Three common mixed methods designs

In the convergent parallel design, a qualitative study is conducted in parallel to and independently of a quantitative study, and the results of both studies are compared and combined at the stage of interpretation of results. Using the above example of EVT provision, this could entail setting up a quantitative EVT registry to measure process times and patient outcomes in parallel to conducting the qualitative research outlined above, and then comparing results. Amongst other things, this would make it possible to assess whether interview respondents’ subjective impressions of patients receiving good care match modified Rankin Scores at follow-up, or whether observed delays in care provision are exceptions or the rule when compared to door-to-needle times as documented in the registry. In the explanatory sequential design, a quantitative study is carried out first, followed by a qualitative study to help explain the results from the quantitative study. This would be an appropriate design if the registry alone had revealed relevant delays in door-to-needle times and the qualitative study would be used to understand where and why these occurred, and how they could be improved. In the exploratory design, the qualitative study is carried out first and its results help informing and building the quantitative study in the next step [ 26 ]. If the qualitative study around EVT provision had shown a high level of dissatisfaction among the staff members involved, a quantitative questionnaire investigating staff satisfaction could be set up in the next step, informed by the qualitative study on which topics dissatisfaction had been expressed. Amongst other things, the questionnaire design would make it possible to widen the reach of the research to more respondents from different (types of) hospitals, regions, countries or settings, and to conduct sub-group analyses for different professional groups.

How to assess qualitative research?

A variety of assessment criteria and lists have been developed for qualitative research, ranging in their focus and comprehensiveness [ 14 , 17 , 27 ]. However, none of these has been elevated to the “gold standard” in the field. In the following, we therefore focus on a set of commonly used assessment criteria that, from a practical standpoint, a researcher can look for when assessing a qualitative research report or paper.

Assessors should check the authors’ use of and adherence to the relevant reporting checklists (e.g. Standards for Reporting Qualitative Research (SRQR)) to make sure all items that are relevant for this type of research are addressed [ 23 , 28 ]. Discussions of quantitative measures in addition to or instead of these qualitative measures can be a sign of lower quality of the research (paper). Providing and adhering to a checklist for qualitative research contributes to an important quality criterion for qualitative research, namely transparency [ 15 , 17 , 23 ].

Reflexivity

While methodological transparency and complete reporting is relevant for all types of research, some additional criteria must be taken into account for qualitative research. This includes what is called reflexivity, i.e. sensitivity to the relationship between the researcher and the researched, including how contact was established and maintained, or the background and experience of the researcher(s) involved in data collection and analysis. Depending on the research question and population to be researched this can be limited to professional experience, but it may also include gender, age or ethnicity [ 17 , 27 ]. These details are relevant because in qualitative research, as opposed to quantitative research, the researcher as a person cannot be isolated from the research process [ 23 ]. It may influence the conversation when an interviewed patient speaks to an interviewer who is a physician, or when an interviewee is asked to discuss a gynaecological procedure with a male interviewer, and therefore the reader must be made aware of these details [ 19 ].

Sampling and saturation

The aim of qualitative sampling is for all variants of the objects of observation that are deemed relevant for the study to be present in the sample “ to see the issue and its meanings from as many angles as possible” [ 1 , 16 , 19 , 20 , 27 ] , and to ensure “information-richness [ 15 ]. An iterative sampling approach is advised, in which data collection (e.g. five interviews) is followed by data analysis, followed by more data collection to find variants that are lacking in the current sample. This process continues until no new (relevant) information can be found and further sampling becomes redundant – which is called saturation [ 1 , 15 ] . In other words: qualitative data collection finds its end point not a priori , but when the research team determines that saturation has been reached [ 29 , 30 ].

This is also the reason why most qualitative studies use deliberate instead of random sampling strategies. This is generally referred to as “ purposive sampling” , in which researchers pre-define which types of participants or cases they need to include so as to cover all variations that are expected to be of relevance, based on the literature, previous experience or theory (i.e. theoretical sampling) [ 14 , 20 ]. Other types of purposive sampling include (but are not limited to) maximum variation sampling, critical case sampling or extreme or deviant case sampling [ 2 ]. In the above EVT example, a purposive sample could include all relevant professional groups and/or all relevant stakeholders (patients, relatives) and/or all relevant times of observation (day, night and weekend shift).

Assessors of qualitative research should check whether the considerations underlying the sampling strategy were sound and whether or how researchers tried to adapt and improve their strategies in stepwise or cyclical approaches between data collection and analysis to achieve saturation [ 14 ].

Good qualitative research is iterative in nature, i.e. it goes back and forth between data collection and analysis, revising and improving the approach where necessary. One example of this are pilot interviews, where different aspects of the interview (especially the interview guide, but also, for example, the site of the interview or whether the interview can be audio-recorded) are tested with a small number of respondents, evaluated and revised [ 19 ]. In doing so, the interviewer learns which wording or types of questions work best, or which is the best length of an interview with patients who have trouble concentrating for an extended time. Of course, the same reasoning applies to observations or focus groups which can also be piloted.

Ideally, coding should be performed by at least two researchers, especially at the beginning of the coding process when a common approach must be defined, including the establishment of a useful coding list (or tree), and when a common meaning of individual codes must be established [ 23 ]. An initial sub-set or all transcripts can be coded independently by the coders and then compared and consolidated after regular discussions in the research team. This is to make sure that codes are applied consistently to the research data.

Member checking

Member checking, also called respondent validation , refers to the practice of checking back with study respondents to see if the research is in line with their views [ 14 , 27 ]. This can happen after data collection or analysis or when first results are available [ 23 ]. For example, interviewees can be provided with (summaries of) their transcripts and asked whether they believe this to be a complete representation of their views or whether they would like to clarify or elaborate on their responses [ 17 ]. Respondents’ feedback on these issues then becomes part of the data collection and analysis [ 27 ].

Stakeholder involvement

In those niches where qualitative approaches have been able to evolve and grow, a new trend has seen the inclusion of patients and their representatives not only as study participants (i.e. “members”, see above) but as consultants to and active participants in the broader research process [ 31 , 32 , 33 ]. The underlying assumption is that patients and other stakeholders hold unique perspectives and experiences that add value beyond their own single story, making the research more relevant and beneficial to researchers, study participants and (future) patients alike [ 34 , 35 ]. Using the example of patients on or nearing dialysis, a recent scoping review found that 80% of clinical research did not address the top 10 research priorities identified by patients and caregivers [ 32 , 36 ]. In this sense, the involvement of the relevant stakeholders, especially patients and relatives, is increasingly being seen as a quality indicator in and of itself.

How not to assess qualitative research

The above overview does not include certain items that are routine in assessments of quantitative research. What follows is a non-exhaustive, non-representative, experience-based list of the quantitative criteria often applied to the assessment of qualitative research, as well as an explanation of the limited usefulness of these endeavours.

Protocol adherence

Given the openness and flexibility of qualitative research, it should not be assessed by how well it adheres to pre-determined and fixed strategies – in other words: its rigidity. Instead, the assessor should look for signs of adaptation and refinement based on lessons learned from earlier steps in the research process.

Sample size

For the reasons explained above, qualitative research does not require specific sample sizes, nor does it require that the sample size be determined a priori [ 1 , 14 , 27 , 37 , 38 , 39 ]. Sample size can only be a useful quality indicator when related to the research purpose, the chosen methodology and the composition of the sample, i.e. who was included and why.

Randomisation

While some authors argue that randomisation can be used in qualitative research, this is not commonly the case, as neither its feasibility nor its necessity or usefulness has been convincingly established for qualitative research [ 13 , 27 ]. Relevant disadvantages include the negative impact of a too large sample size as well as the possibility (or probability) of selecting “ quiet, uncooperative or inarticulate individuals ” [ 17 ]. Qualitative studies do not use control groups, either.

Interrater reliability, variability and other “objectivity checks”

The concept of “interrater reliability” is sometimes used in qualitative research to assess to which extent the coding approach overlaps between the two co-coders. However, it is not clear what this measure tells us about the quality of the analysis [ 23 ]. This means that these scores can be included in qualitative research reports, preferably with some additional information on what the score means for the analysis, but it is not a requirement. Relatedly, it is not relevant for the quality or “objectivity” of qualitative research to separate those who recruited the study participants and collected and analysed the data. Experiences even show that it might be better to have the same person or team perform all of these tasks [ 20 ]. First, when researchers introduce themselves during recruitment this can enhance trust when the interview takes place days or weeks later with the same researcher. Second, when the audio-recording is transcribed for analysis, the researcher conducting the interviews will usually remember the interviewee and the specific interview situation during data analysis. This might be helpful in providing additional context information for interpretation of data, e.g. on whether something might have been meant as a joke [ 18 ].

Not being quantitative research

Being qualitative research instead of quantitative research should not be used as an assessment criterion if it is used irrespectively of the research problem at hand. Similarly, qualitative research should not be required to be combined with quantitative research per se – unless mixed methods research is judged as inherently better than single-method research. In this case, the same criterion should be applied for quantitative studies without a qualitative component.

The main take-away points of this paper are summarised in Table 1 . We aimed to show that, if conducted well, qualitative research can answer specific research questions that cannot to be adequately answered using (only) quantitative designs. Seeing qualitative and quantitative methods as equal will help us become more aware and critical of the “fit” between the research problem and our chosen methods: I can conduct an RCT to determine the reasons for transportation delays of acute stroke patients – but should I? It also provides us with a greater range of tools to tackle a greater range of research problems more appropriately and successfully, filling in the blind spots on one half of the methodological spectrum to better address the whole complexity of neurological research and practice.

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Abbreviations

Endovascular treatment

Randomised Controlled Trial

Standard Operating Procedure

Standards for Reporting Qualitative Research

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Busetto, L., Wick, W. & Gumbinger, C. How to use and assess qualitative research methods. Neurol. Res. Pract. 2 , 14 (2020). https://doi.org/10.1186/s42466-020-00059-z

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  • What Is Qualitative Research? | Methods & Examples

What Is Qualitative Research? | Methods & Examples

Published on 4 April 2022 by Pritha Bhandari . Revised on 30 January 2023.

Qualitative research involves collecting and analysing non-numerical data (e.g., text, video, or audio) to understand concepts, opinions, or experiences. It can be used to gather in-depth insights into a problem or generate new ideas for research.

Qualitative research is the opposite of quantitative research , which involves collecting and analysing numerical data for statistical analysis.

Qualitative research is commonly used in the humanities and social sciences, in subjects such as anthropology, sociology, education, health sciences, and history.

  • How does social media shape body image in teenagers?
  • How do children and adults interpret healthy eating in the UK?
  • What factors influence employee retention in a large organisation?
  • How is anxiety experienced around the world?
  • How can teachers integrate social issues into science curriculums?

Table of contents

Approaches to qualitative research, qualitative research methods, qualitative data analysis, advantages of qualitative research, disadvantages of qualitative research, frequently asked questions about qualitative research.

Qualitative research is used to understand how people experience the world. While there are many approaches to qualitative research, they tend to be flexible and focus on retaining rich meaning when interpreting data.

Common approaches include grounded theory, ethnography, action research, phenomenological research, and narrative research. They share some similarities, but emphasise different aims and perspectives.

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Each of the research approaches involve using one or more data collection methods . These are some of the most common qualitative methods:

  • Observations: recording what you have seen, heard, or encountered in detailed field notes.
  • Interviews:  personally asking people questions in one-on-one conversations.
  • Focus groups: asking questions and generating discussion among a group of people.
  • Surveys : distributing questionnaires with open-ended questions.
  • Secondary research: collecting existing data in the form of texts, images, audio or video recordings, etc.
  • You take field notes with observations and reflect on your own experiences of the company culture.
  • You distribute open-ended surveys to employees across all the company’s offices by email to find out if the culture varies across locations.
  • You conduct in-depth interviews with employees in your office to learn about their experiences and perspectives in greater detail.

Qualitative researchers often consider themselves ‘instruments’ in research because all observations, interpretations and analyses are filtered through their own personal lens.

For this reason, when writing up your methodology for qualitative research, it’s important to reflect on your approach and to thoroughly explain the choices you made in collecting and analysing the data.

Qualitative data can take the form of texts, photos, videos and audio. For example, you might be working with interview transcripts, survey responses, fieldnotes, or recordings from natural settings.

Most types of qualitative data analysis share the same five steps:

  • Prepare and organise your data. This may mean transcribing interviews or typing up fieldnotes.
  • Review and explore your data. Examine the data for patterns or repeated ideas that emerge.
  • Develop a data coding system. Based on your initial ideas, establish a set of codes that you can apply to categorise your data.
  • Assign codes to the data. For example, in qualitative survey analysis, this may mean going through each participant’s responses and tagging them with codes in a spreadsheet. As you go through your data, you can create new codes to add to your system if necessary.
  • Identify recurring themes. Link codes together into cohesive, overarching themes.

There are several specific approaches to analysing qualitative data. Although these methods share similar processes, they emphasise different concepts.

Qualitative research often tries to preserve the voice and perspective of participants and can be adjusted as new research questions arise. Qualitative research is good for:

  • Flexibility

The data collection and analysis process can be adapted as new ideas or patterns emerge. They are not rigidly decided beforehand.

  • Natural settings

Data collection occurs in real-world contexts or in naturalistic ways.

  • Meaningful insights

Detailed descriptions of people’s experiences, feelings and perceptions can be used in designing, testing or improving systems or products.

  • Generation of new ideas

Open-ended responses mean that researchers can uncover novel problems or opportunities that they wouldn’t have thought of otherwise.

Researchers must consider practical and theoretical limitations in analysing and interpreting their data. Qualitative research suffers from:

  • Unreliability

The real-world setting often makes qualitative research unreliable because of uncontrolled factors that affect the data.

  • Subjectivity

Due to the researcher’s primary role in analysing and interpreting data, qualitative research cannot be replicated . The researcher decides what is important and what is irrelevant in data analysis, so interpretations of the same data can vary greatly.

  • Limited generalisability

Small samples are often used to gather detailed data about specific contexts. Despite rigorous analysis procedures, it is difficult to draw generalisable conclusions because the data may be biased and unrepresentative of the wider population .

  • Labour-intensive

Although software can be used to manage and record large amounts of text, data analysis often has to be checked or performed manually.

Quantitative research deals with numbers and statistics, while qualitative research deals with words and meanings.

Quantitative methods allow you to test a hypothesis by systematically collecting and analysing data, while qualitative methods allow you to explore ideas and experiences in depth.

There are five common approaches to qualitative research :

  • Grounded theory involves collecting data in order to develop new theories.
  • Ethnography involves immersing yourself in a group or organisation to understand its culture.
  • Narrative research involves interpreting stories to understand how people make sense of their experiences and perceptions.
  • Phenomenological research involves investigating phenomena through people’s lived experiences.
  • Action research links theory and practice in several cycles to drive innovative changes.

Data collection is the systematic process by which observations or measurements are gathered in research. It is used in many different contexts by academics, governments, businesses, and other organisations.

There are various approaches to qualitative data analysis , but they all share five steps in common:

  • Prepare and organise your data.
  • Review and explore your data.
  • Develop a data coding system.
  • Assign codes to the data.
  • Identify recurring themes.

The specifics of each step depend on the focus of the analysis. Some common approaches include textual analysis , thematic analysis , and discourse analysis .

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Pritha Bhandari

Pritha Bhandari

  • Open access
  • Published: 09 May 2024

Overlooked by the obstetric gaze – how women with persistent health problems due to severe perineal trauma experience encounters with healthcare services: a qualitative study

  • Katharina Tjernström 1 ,
  • Inger Lindberg 1 ,
  • Maria Wiklund 2 &
  • Margareta Persson 1  

BMC Health Services Research volume  24 , Article number:  610 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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During the first year postpartum, about 25 per cent of Swedish women with severe perineal trauma (SPT), i.e., a third- or fourth-degree perineal laceration at childbirth, are unsatisfied with their healthcare contacts. Further, there is a lack of research on the more long-term experiences of healthcare encounters among women with persistent SPT-related health problems. This study explores how women with self-reported persistent SPT-related health problems experience their contact with healthcare services 18 months to five years after childbirth when the SPT occurred.

In this descriptive qualitative study, a purposive sample of twelve women with self-reported persistent health problems after SPT were individually interviewed from November 2020 – February 2022. The data was analysed using inductive qualitative content analysis.

Our results showed a paradoxical situation for women with persistent health problems due to SPT. They struggled with their traumatised body, but healthcare professionals rejected their health problems as postpartum normalities. This paradox highlighted the women’s difficulties in accessing postpartum healthcare, rehabilitation, and sick leave, which left them with neglected healthcare needs, diminished emotional well-being, and loss of financial and social status. Our results indicated that these health problems did not diminish over time. Consequently, the women had to search relentlessly for a ‘key person’ in healthcare who acknowledged their persistent problems as legitimate to access needed care, rehabilitation, and sick leave, thus feeling empowered.

Conclusions

Our study revealed that women with persistent SPT-related health problems experienced complex health challenges. Additionally, their needs for medical care, rehabilitation, and sick leave were largely neglected. Thus, the study highlights an inequitable provision of SPT-related healthcare services in Sweden, including regional disparities in access to care. Hence, the authors suggest that Swedish national guidelines for SPT-related care need to be developed and implemented, applying a woman-centered approach, to ensure equitable, effective, and accessible healthcare.

Peer Review reports

Intrapartum and postpartum healthcare should ideally be high-quality, evidence-based, and a positive experience stemming from woman-centred care with a holistic approach based on human rights [ 1 ]. This approach acknowledges each woman’s articulated needs and expectations in her social, emotional, physical, spiritual, and cultural context [ 2 ]. Nevertheless, during the first year postpartum, about one in four Swedish women with severe perineal trauma (SPT) [ 3 ], i.e., a third- or fourth-degree perineal laceration involving the anal sphincter muscle and anorectal mucosa at vaginal childbirth [ 4 ], are dissatisfied with their care and one in three women report ongoing health problems related to their SPT. Women with SPT may suffer from various physiological and psychological consequences such as pain [ 5 , 6 ] , incontinence [ 7 ], defecation problems [ 8 ], vaginal prolapse [ 5 ], sexual dysfunction [ 9 ] or depression and anxiety [ 10 , 11 , 12 ].

Reducing physical symptoms is essential to support emotional and social recovery after any perineal trauma [ 13 , 14 ]. Women with SPT emphasise that professional, competent, and respectful attitudes from healthcare professionals (HCPs), including individual and adapted information, facilitate, and promote their postpartum recovery. Thus, the HCPs’ competence and knowledge of treatment options is a prerequisite for women to access needed care [ 15 ]. An additional problem in the Swedish context is the lack of national recommendations or guidelines, which enables each of the 21 regions to develop own regional and local guidelines. An audit of the existing regional and local guidelines for prevention and care of SPT shows an unexpected diversity or lack of evidence-based recommendations [ 16 ]. However, dissatisfaction with access to healthcare has been expressed by women with persistent, i.e., beyond one year postpartum, SPT-related health problems [ 6 , 17 ]. Furthermore, women criticise inadequate or absent support [ 6 , 18 ], poor information and education [ 6 , 10 , 18 ], and lack of follow-up care regarding SPT and its potential psychological and social consequences [ 6 , 10 ]. Postpartum care focuses more on the baby than the mother’s well-being [ 18 , 19 ]. Also, the available treatment options are perceived as limited and outdated by those with access to needed care [ 17 , 18 ]. Moreover, women with SPT describe that some HCPs tend to normalise their SPT-related problems [ 10 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 ], and women are met in unprofessional and disrespectful ways [ 17 , 23 ], where HCPs are perceived as ignorant, nonchalant, and questioning women’s symptoms [ 10 , 17 ]. Previous research [ 24 ] indicates an institutional objectification of women with SPT by Swedish healthcare providers hindering access to healthcare, sick leave, and occupational rehabilitation after SPT. In contrast, women also report being acknowledged and liberated when HCPs have a professional and empathic approach and provide continuity of care that enables access to care for persistent SPT-related health problems [ 17 , 18 , 19 , 25 ]. Thus, several women who sustained an SPT during childbirth do not experience access to needed and necessary care, a fact that needs further exploration.

Globally, sexual and reproductive health and rights (SRHR) are crucial for individual health and gender equality [ 26 ]. Current issues within SRHR and midwifery are controlled by the institutional power in health institutions, i.e., medical power [ 27 ], connected to the still-existing economic and educational disadvantages of women globally, which are also feminist issues [ 26 , 28 ]. As midwife stands for ‘with woman’ [ 28 ], gender or feminist approaches are used in advancing midwifery theory [ 27 , 29 ] and various aspects of SRHR topics such as breastfeeding promotion [ 30 ], birth plans [ 31 ] and attitudes towards contraceptives [ 32 ]. In midwifery and feminist approaches, the biological material body and the socially constructed gendered body are viewed as intertwined [ 33 ]. Moreover, midwifery care is recommended to be woman-centred [ 1 , 2 ], focusing on the individual woman’s needs and transferring control from the institution to the woman herself. However, despite the different organisations of sexual and reproductive healthcare between countries, international research shows similar results regarding women’s diverging experiences with postpartum SPT-related healthcare [ 6 , 15 , 17 , 18 ].

In sum, there is growing evidence showing that many women with persisting health problems caused by SPT are often, but not always, met with mistrust and ignorance when seeking care for their problems. Even though there may be national, regional, or local protocols or guidelines for care after SPT, women with persistent SPT-related problems still raise their voices about the difficulty of getting access to competent quality care. This indicates a potential gender bias [ 34 ] and a need for gender theoretical perspectives in midwifery [ 28 ], as utilized in this study. Additionally, few studies explore the care-seeking experience among this group of women in a longer time perspective after childbirth when the SPT occurred.

The aim of this study is to explore how women with self-reported persistent SPT-related health problems experience their contact with healthcare services 18 months to five years after childbirth when the SPT occurred.

Study design and context

The present study is part of a larger research project investigating the long-term consequences of SPT on quality of life, working life, and healthcare contacts. This study had an inductive qualitative interview study design applying qualitative content analysis to analyse data [ 35 , 36 , 37 ]. This method searches for patterns, e.g., by identifying similarities and differences in the data. The researchers obtain an in-depth understanding of the studied phenomenon through abstraction and interpretation [ 36 ]; thus, an appropriate method to apply to capture women’s experiences of their healthcare encounters when seeking medical help and support. Throughout the research process, the recommendations for qualitative research according to ‘Consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research’ (COREQ) were followed [ 38 ].

Sweden has 21 partly independent regions primarily responsible for providing healthcare services to the population. Healthcare services are tax-funded, and the regions have extensive autonomy to decide upon the healthcare services within each region based on the frameworks of the Health and Medical Service Act [ 39 ]. Additionally, within the Swedish social security system, 480 days of paid parental leave are allocated to each child in Sweden and can be utilised by their legal guardian(s) until the child is twelve years old. Of these 480 days, 60 days are specifically assigned to each parent, and the remaining days are split between parents as desired. The financial compensation is based on the parent’s income and is financed by taxes [ 40 ].

In Sweden, midwives are the primary care providers to women with normal pregnancies, births, and postpartum care. In case of complications to pregnancy and childbirth, midwives collaborate with other medical professionals, especially obstetricians. For example, midwives suture first- and second-degree perineal lacerations, while obstetricians are responsible for all SPT repairs [ 41 ]. Generally, in Sweden, women who sustain an SPT during childbirth are offered a check-up with the obstetrician responsible for the repair before discharge and should also have a follow-up with an obstetrician or sometimes a physiotherapist within the postnatal period. Thereafter, women with no mayor initial healing problems are advised to contact relevant healthcare services if any health issues related to the SPT should arise in the future. Women presenting with complicated healing are treated accordingly. Additionally, women with second- to fourth-degree perineal lacerations are assessed with questionnaires three times during the first year postpartum by the National Perineal Laceration Register. However, there are no recommendations in Sweden for prolonged check-ups for women with SPT after the postnatal period and no guidelines on organised check-ups for women with prolonged symptoms due to SPT exist [ 42 , 43 ].

Women with persistent SPT-related health problems and characteristics were purposively recruited to achieve a heterogeneous sample reflecting multiple experiences. An overview of inclusion and exclusion criteria can be found in Table 1 .

The closed Swedish Facebook community ‘Förlossningsskadad? Du är inte ensam!’ [‘Injured at childbirth? You are not alone!’] functioned as a recruitment platform for a national sample of women reporting persistent SPT-related health problems. The Facebook community is secluded to women with SPT and started in 2014. During the data collection period (Nov 2020 – Feb 2022), the group had over 7,600 members; today, the community has grown to include over 9,500 members [ 44 ].

In late November 2020, the administrators of the Facebook community pinned a digital poster with study information and a link to the study homepage in the group feed. The study homepage contained written information on the research project and contact details for the research group if any women wanted additional information about the study. Interested potential participants contacted the research group via a contact form on the homepage, and the first author (KT) confirmed that the potential participants met the inclusion criteria via telephone. Thirteen participants from different parts of Sweden showed interest in participating and left their contact information. One woman never responded to our efforts to reach her. The remaining twelve women fulfilled the inclusion criteria and were invited to an interview. Before the interview, the women answered a digital survey on background data (such as demographic data, education, employment, sick leave, and childbirth history) distributed via REDCap ® , a web-based application to create secure online questionnaires and research databases [ 45 ]. The interviews were finalised in February 2022.

Data collection

We collected data via individual open-ended interviews [ 46 ], supported by a semi-structured interview guide [see Additional file 1 ]. The interview guide, developed by KT and MP with input from MW and IL, was based on literature reviews, our awareness of gender as a social construct [ 33 ], and the clinical pre-understanding within the research group. After a pilot interview conducted by KT (not included in the data), minor adjustments were made to the interview guide. The final interview guide covered the topics of everyday life experiences, work, and general functioning. However, despite the mentioned interview topics, the emergent study design and the ability to speak freely about what was perceived as important for their daily functioning, the contacts with healthcare services was brought up in vivid and extensive narratives by all participants as part of their descriptions of their challenges in everyday life and their ability to function at work. Hence, the experiences the women made of the healthcare services played an important role for the women in their daily management of SPT-related health problems.

As data collection occurred during the COVID-19 pandemic, all participants were interviewed digitally via Zoom ® [ 47 , 48 ]. With the participant’s consent, the interviews were audio-recorded via Zoom ® and a separate digital recorder (as backup). Any Zoom video files automatically generated were deleted directly after the termination of the interview to protect participants’ identities. The first author interviewed all women; in two interviews, co-authors (IL or MW) also attended. The authors had no professional or personal affiliation with the enrolled participants . Detailed interviews ranging from 29 – 112 minutes (median: 61.5 minutes) gave extensive data. All interviews were performed in Swedish and transcribed verbatim. After that, the first author validated the transcripts for accuracy by reviewing the text while listening to the recordings.

Authors’ pre-understanding and theoretical positionality

The research group comprises three midwives (KT, IL, MP) and one physiotherapist (MW). We all have extensive professional experiences from clinical practice in primary and in-patient care, where three authors (KT, IL, MP) have specific professional experiences of caring for women with SPT. Additionally, we are women, feminists, and mothers with various birth experiences. Further, the group holds expertise in gender studies and qualitative research within midwifery science, such as perineal trauma and medical sociology. Hence, we stem from a social constructivist research standpoint and utilise ourselves as co-constructors in the analysis process. As feminist researchers, we apply a gender theoretical lens to the data.

Data analysis

The interviews were analysed using qualitative content analysis with an inductive and stepwise approach focusing on the manifest and latent content [ 35 , 36 , 37 ]. The interviews, transcripts, and analysis steps were performed in Swedish.

The analytical procedure started with reading the transcripts multiple times while highlighting text, meaning units, with content relevant to the aim of this study. Then, identified meaning units were condensed, focusing on preserving their core meaning and labelled with manifest codes [ 35 , 36 , 37 ]. Initially, KT coded one interview and triangulated those codes with the principal investigator (MP). KT then coded the rest of the interviews. In the next step, similar codes were clustered, forming subcategories based on the manifest content. Moving towards an interpretation of the content, categories were created by the abstraction of subcategories. This was done by KT and MP separately and then triangulated to identify significant concepts. Next, the preliminary categories and subcategories were triangulated with the whole research group until a consensus was obtained. To answer the question of ‘what?’ and ‘how?’ within the data, the latent content and thread of meaning were identified by clustering and abstracting the emerging findings to form subthemes and a theme [ 36 , 37 ]. The emerging findings were also peer-reviewed and discussed at a research seminar. The finalisation of the analysis resulted in an overarching theme and four subthemes. The translation of categories, subthemes, theme and inserted citations from Swedish into English was performed as a last step. The translation and choice of words were discussed between authors (all knowledgeable in English) to reach a consensus and minimise translation bias.

During the coding process, the researchers used MAXQDA ® [ 49 ], a software for organising, transcribing, analysing, and visualising qualitative research data, and Microsoft Excel ® [ 50 ] as aids to organise the codes.

Demographics of included participants

The background characteristics of the twelve participants in the final sample are presented in Table 2 .

The participants identified themselves as cis women, i.e., their gender identity matched their sex assigned at birth [ 51 ], and are thus referred to as ‘women’ in this paper. All women were in a partner relationship. The women reported a broad spectrum of physical and phycological health problems following the SPT at childbirth, e.g., urine or anal incontinence, pain in the lower abdomen, sexual dysfunction, and depression. Thirty per cent of the women had full-time employment, and the proportion of parental leave varied from 12% to 100% (three women had an ongoing parental leave with subsequent children at the interview). Further, 60% of the women had a sedentary occupation. Five women had been on sick leave after reconstructive surgery, and five reported sick leave for other reasons than their SPT.

The analysis resulted in one theme, ‘Overlooked by the obstetric gaze – living the paradox of a normalised but traumatised postpartum body’, with related subthemes ‘Questioning whether it’s all in my head’, ‘Fighting persistently for access and legitimacy in no (wo)man's-land’, ‘Facing multidimensional losses when no help in sight’, and ‘Depending on other’s advocacy to navigate an arbitrary system’. An overview of the findings is presented in Table 3 . The findings are presented as an overarching theme and thereafter, the related subthemes and categories. Citations from the participants illustrate the findings. All women have been allocated pseudonyms in the result presentation.

Overlooked by the obstetric gaze – living the paradox of a normalised but traumatised postpartum body

The latent theme ‘Overlooked by the obstetric gaze – living the paradox of a normalised but traumatised postpartum body’ represented the women’s experiences of healthcare encounters covering HCPs’ diminishing attitudes towards women’s persistent SPT-related health problems and the women’s difficulties accessing healthcare and sick leave. We interpreted that the women were assessed by the HCPs’ ‘obstetric gaze’, i.e., a medical gaze in postpartum healthcare normalising their persistent health problems and judging the women’s lower abdomen as ‘fine’ by their looks. The obstetric gaze put the women in a paradoxical situation where HCPs normalised tangible symptoms to be a natural part of childbirth. With no medical legitimacy of the health problems, the women also felt labelled as ‘hysterical’ (exaggerating health problems) by the HCPs. As a result, on the one hand, they had to continue facing persistent and tangible health problems such as incontinence, pain or prolapses. On the other hand, no acknowledgement by HCPs of their health problems led them to question whether their problems were merely a product of their imagination and, thus, only existed ‘in their head’. The theme also comprised women’s struggle for legitimacy in a gendered healthcare system - a no-(wo)man's land. They experienced that healthcare services and social insurance systems were challenging to access and demanded a tenacious and extensive fight to obtain legitimacy for their health problems. Consequently, the women had to put up with neglected healthcare needs, negatively impacting their physical and emotional well-being, and financial and social status when no medical help or rehabilitation was available. However, some women had encountered an HCP who was empathic and understanding, hence not guided by the obstetric gaze. Such encounters legitimised persistent problems and were crucial for accessing needed care, sick leave, and rehabilitation.

Questioning whether it’s all in my head

The subtheme ‘Questioning whether it’s all in my head’ focused on the women’s experiences of facing ignoration and no confirmation of perceived health problems and thus being labelled as a hysterical woman. The related categories referred to a normalisation process that the women experienced in their encounters with HCPs, which made them question their bodily perceptions. Furthermore, the women felt accused of exaggerating symptoms because their persistent SPT-related health problems did not match HPCs’ views of acceptable postpartum symptoms. Thus, it could be understood that the women found themselves in a paradox of suffering from tangible physical consequences after SPT, which were normalised by HCPs and their ‘obstetric gaze’.

Facing HCP's ignoration of perceived problems

The women experienced the HCPs defining their persistent health problems after the SPT as ‘normal’. The HCPs assured the women that their problems would disappear with time or that transient motherhood-related aspects, such as breastfeeding or fragile vaginal mucosa, were the cause of the problem. One woman expressed:

“Then I felt, ‘It should not feel like this; this is something wrong’, and I sought medical attention and was seen by multiple physicians […] They thought my vaginal mucous membrane was not ready for intercourse. I was still breastfeeding, so they thought I should stop breastfeeding. Then maybe the mucous membrane would be restored, which was causing me the pain. I was not listened to at all. I was treated very poorly by one physician in particular, and despite second opinions and so on, nobody… nobody took me seriously.” (Linda)

Consequently, the women perceived that their concerns were ignored. They also learned that the HCPs saw their prolonged physical problems after SPT as an inevitable part of childbirth, which the women should accept. One woman resigned:

“But then [the physician] says something like this: ’Well, that's completely normal’, but I felt like, ‘Yes, but it doesn't feel normal'.” (Emma)

After the genital and pelvic floor examinations, the HCPs often guaranteed the women that ‘everything looked fine’, i.e., reinforcing the normality of the genital area. Although the women described to the HCPs that they struggled with SPT-related problems, their concerns were met with a comment on the physical appearance rather than a comprehensive examination of the pelvic floor's functionality.

One woman responded:

“They think ‘everything looks fine’ and ‘everything looks good and repaired’. I still have problems. I was also referred to a surgeon, who did a rectoscopy, and ‘it looked so nice’. Then, I was referred to a urotherapist to learn how to pinch my muscles because ‘everything would be so good’. She helped me get a second opinion in XX [town], where they discovered that there was still damage." (Jin)

Another woman expressed:

”I couldn’t care less what it [genital area] looks like. Nobody will be down there watching. I only need it [genital area] to function as intended.” (Anna)

Consequently, the women felt ignored and unheard in their contact with healthcare services. They perceived that HCPs did not listen to them, leaving them feeling invisible, sometimes even having severe health problems.

“I was hospitalised with sepsis before someone listened to me.” (Josefin)

Being labelled as a hysterical woman

The women also experienced being labelled as the ‘hysterical woman’ who exaggerated their persistent symptoms and had mental health problems. The women described how the HCPs accused them of imagining their SPT-related health problems. One woman indignantly revealed that the HCP she encountered said, 'These problems only exist in your head’ (Joanna), i.e., suggesting that the perceived symptoms did not exist and rejecting the health concerns. Hence, this attitude made some women believe their problems were a product of their imagination and sometimes made them even question their sanity.

Moreover, the HCPs’ condescending attitudes towards the women made them feel dismissed and devalued. For example, the women shared that HCPs laughed at them or were rough or cold during the examination. Moreover, HCPs expressed that they had ‘seen worse’ (Amanda). Some women also conveyed that they were advised ‘to drink some wine to feel better’ (Elin) when discussing painful intercourses due to their SPT-related health problems.

“You are constantly dismissed, ‘No, but everything looks fine, you have no problems’. Then you start to think you’re imagining things. And then you may not dare to talk about the injuries.” (Jin)

Fighting persistently for access and legitimacy in no (wo)man's-land

The subtheme ‘Fighting persistently for access and legitimacy in no (wo)man's-land’ referred to the women’s experience of gender constructs related to inaccessible healthcare services and their often year-long struggles to access this gendered healthcare and linked social insurance systems. The difficulties in accessing care created negative attitudes towards the healthcare services, making the women wish for general improvements in women’s healthcare.

Struggling to access the gendered healthcare and social insurance systems

The women pointed out that after giving birth, they needed more extensive information on their injury, precautions, available help (follow-up care or re-operation), and sick leave. To overcome the lack of required information, they had to request or actively search for it on their own, which also led to uncertainty about where and when to seek further help if needed.

“I was sent home with a brochure and a pat on the shoulder.” (Amanda)

The women also experienced a lack of adequate healthcare services targeted at their SPT-related health problems. For example, many women did not have access to a pelvic floor clinic or had to travel long distances to see specialists. Hence, their place of residence decided the quality of care the women received. Moreover, some women problematised the organisation of postpartum care as they missed out on follow-up care and even, in some cases, were denied follow-up care or referrals to specialised care were lost. As a result, some women had no opportunity to talk to the operating physician or experienced no follow-up care, although they requested it.

“They said it can take up to a year to get better. So, when that year had passed, and before starting to work again, I called different places in the hospital and asked: What should I do now? […] It took several months before I got an appointment with the surgeon for an assessment. And then I had to get a second opinion. So, it took like seven months before I got an appointment at [a specialist clinic].” (Hawa)

For the women, access to healthcare services, sick leave certificates, and HCPs’ dismissive attitudes were perceived as gender-related, i.e., difficulties in obtaining help from women’s healthcare services would not exist if the services were more women-oriented. One woman illustrated this by expressing: ‘If men gave birth to babies, the situation would not be like this’ (Joanna). Moreover, they perceived that women’s healthcare services were not prioritised. They explicitly stated that the absence of sick leave certificates and benefits was related to their gender. The women were expected to cope without sick leave benefits because vaginal and perineal lacerations of any scope were viewed as a natural part of childbirth, a normal process of a woman’s body. Thus, sequelae thereof did not exist or were taboo in society.

“Everything that happens during and after childbirth and related injuries has been a taboo discussion topic, so it has been completely ‘normal’ to suffer from persistent pain.” (Anna)
“I have applied for compensation from the national patient insurance. I got rejection after rejection; nothing has gone wrong. I was told: 'You simply must expect these things in childbirth. And a caesarean section is not less risky'.” (Hawa)

Thus, the women argued that society and the government did not invest needed resources in women’s healthcare. In addition, those few women receiving a short period of sick cash benefits had it immediately after giving birth or after re-operation, but not for prolonged problems. Further, the women noted that they were not offered sick leave certificates due to persistent physical SPT-related health problems but instead due to mental issues, such as depression or anxiety.

“I've heard about women who have been mentally unwell and have hurt their children. So maybe physicians get cautious and put women on sick leave if they say, ‘I'm not feeling mentally well’. Then they act quickly because they think it's so important. But they don't think about the physical injuries because that's part of [childbirth].” (Jenny)

However, the women shared how they fought long and hard for acknowledgement and care and made demands; for many, this process had covered years. They had to repeatedly insist that something was wrong and felt pressure to prove their health problems to the HCPs. In some women, this led to their persistent problems being diagnosed and acknowledged after several years of delay. The struggle for care involved countless visits and referrals to different HCPs, demanding much strength and persistence, which exhausted them. Sometimes, the sequelae had to develop into an acute health situation, or some women decided to pay for private care to access the proper treatment and rehabilitation. Further, with time, they also became explicit about their demands for sick leave certificates and benefits.

“Well, it [short sick leave period because of birth traumas] just feels like scorn. To me, it is not a sufficient length of sick leave.” (Elin)

Wishing for improvement in women's healthcare

The perceived lack of adequate care and rehabilitation, access to sick leave benefits, and HCPs’ attitude negatively influenced the women’s opinions on healthcare services, especially postpartum healthcare. In addition, the women perceived many HCPs as unprofessional, indifferent, and unstructured. As a result, the women mistrusted the HCPs and lost hope in healthcare services. Thus, they were reluctant to seek further care and were anxious about receiving proper treatment or that HCPs would miss important things.

“I am not being listened to in women's healthcare. This is partly why I feel so disappointed.” (Linda) “You just don't trust the healthcare system. […] Some people have been struggling with their injuries for like 18 years. But the [specialist clinic] – I finally received fantastic treatment, and what if it could be available everywhere [in Sweden]?” (Hawa)

Moreover, the women described a struggle for their rights when deciding whether to report the HCPs to the authorities and pointed out the need to improve women’s healthcare. Reporting HCPs was perceived as complicated as the women did not want to blame specific individuals. The women saw that the major problem lay within the healthcare system and with individual HCPs.

“In the end, I met a fantastic person [healthcare professional]. She wanted me to report the mistreatment when I eventually had the strength. Because no one listened when I said I was ill. So, she has offered to help me if I want to, but I don't know if I have the strength to file a complaint.” (Josefin)

A wish to improve women’s healthcare services was articulated, especially regarding personal follow-up care beyond one year postpartum and the possibility of full-time or part-time sick leave certificates and benefits for persistent problems on equal terms. This wish also strengthened their decision not to give up searching for help and to raise their voices to help themselves and other women.

“I received physiotherapy and the follow-up surveys [the Perineal Laceration Register] during the first year, but thereafter I would have liked to have an annual follow-up for the next years to ensure the status and potential re-operations. […] I can google, but I want to have that information in dialog with a living person, but you do not get that.” (Jenny)

Partaking in developing educational material for HCPs or starting a career within women’s healthcare were some women’s ways to contribute and increase competency in persistent SPT-related health problems.

“One of my strategies since I got the injury is also to try to influence. Being able to be involved and influence what postpartum care should consist of.” (Jin)

Facing multidimensional losses when no help in sight

The subtheme ‘Facing multidimensional losses when no help in sight’ covered physical and mental health consequences and the financial and social losses the participating women faced when no support or access to needed care and rehabilitation was provided.

Being physically victimised by HCP's malpractice

The women’s experiences covered either being misdiagnosed during the suturing after birth or in the following years when seeking help for persistent SPT-related health problems. Further, they shared how physicians had incorrectly sutured vaginal and perineal muscles after childbirth, leading the women to live with incontinence, pain, prolapses, or sexual dysfunction if their vaginas were sutured too tight. They also described how they endured infections, wound ruptures, sepsis, necrosis, and re-operations. Additionally, the women perceived a general lack of competency regarding communication and persistent SPT-related health problems, including problems related to sex life and sexual functioning, besides a more specific lack regarding suturing techniques and ultrasound examinations.

“I was referred to a specialist clinic. And they found out that all the muscles were separated, the internal and external sphincters were torn, and my pinching ability was kind of weak. So, it was quite the opposite, really, quite the opposite. None of what the other physician had said was true [laughs]. Absolutely incredible. And she is supposed to be a specialist.” (Hawa)

Aching inside

Living with troubled postpartum bodies and the absence of HCPs’ legitimation of the women´s problems made them struggle mentally, feeling speechless and silenced. This neglect reinforced irritation, anger, distress, bitterness, and disappointment towards the HCPs and the healthcare services. One woman illustrated the emotional struggle in this way:

“It's just that the health services don’t believe you, which makes you feel terrible. It's a big deal that no one listens.” (Josefin)

Moreover, the women felt uncertain about their health status due to a default medical diagnosis with concerns for their future and which staff to trust. Consequently, some had to bite the bullet, put up with their situation, and try to think positively. Other women were denying or diminishing their SPT-related health problems, accepting that their symptoms would improve, even disappear or that their condition was ‘normal’ as they had been told. Further, the women described despair because their neglected health problems caused by their SPT made them feel exposed, unsure, and hopeless. In some, this desperation resulted in a mental breakdown, a fear of losing custody of their child due to mental illness or suicidal thoughts.

“Something broke inside of me that day. I felt entirely omitted; I was close to leaving my son and committing suicide. Nobody understood how bad everything was.” (Elin)

Additionally, the women suffered emotionally when motherhood was crushed. Their partner had to take the primary responsibility for the family, and the children had to come in second place as the mothers suffered from various physical and mental health problems. As a result, the women felt they missed their children’s development and could not use their parental social security benefits as desired.

“I feel devasted because people tell me, ‘You are on maternity leave’. I’m not on maternity leave; I’m sick. I should be on sick leave.” (Jaanika)

Suffering financial and societal losses

Moreover, the women suffered financially and societally due to persistent health problems. Some women were denied financial compensation from Patient Insurance (a national insurance system where patients can seek compensation for care injuries). The Social Security Agency and the HCPs were perceived as obstacles to receiving sick cash benefits. They noted that ‘extensive’ health problems were required to receive sick cash benefits and that their health problems paradoxically were not seen as extensive or even a problem per se by the HCPs; hence, no sick leave certificates were issued.

“He [the physician] tried to argue and clarify my pain situation in the sick leave certificate to meet the requirements for a sick leave benefit at the Social Security Agency. I was in so much pain and had to lie down to breastfeed. But, no, ‘If you can manage to hold the baby when breastfeeding, then you are on maternity leave, not sick leave benefit’ [mimicking the official at the Social Security Agency who rejected the certificate and consequently also the sick cash benefit]”. (Jaanika)

Furthermore, the women were set back financially and societally because they could not work full-time due to their persistent health problems. Therefore, some women chose to compensate for their work absence with part-time parental benefits to diminish their working hours and cover their inability to work due to persistent SPT-related health problems. Without a sick leave certificate, i.e., the physicians or the officials at the Social Security Agency’s acknowledgement of a ‘true’ health problem, partners or other relatives were obliged to adjust their work schedules to support or unburden the woman’s suffering and inability to work full-time. This reduction in working hours for the SPT-affected women and, in some cases, their partners was expressed to potentially negatively affect their upcoming careers and pensions. As a result, the women experienced being caught between stools in the social insurance systems:

“[…] You end up in a position where you are neither on sick leave nor unemployment benefits and at the same time cannot perform any offered work [due to persistent problems]. But multiple societal bodies demand and expect you to be a part of the working force, and nobody really listens.” (Elin)

Depending on other’s advocacy to navigate an arbitrary system

The last subtheme, ‘Depending on other’s advocacy to navigate an arbitrary system’, highlights the women’s experiences of, often by chance, finding a single devoted professional, i.e., a ‘key person’, to access needed care and rehabilitation. Such a ‘key person’ was vital to recognising persistent problems, legitimating symptoms, and enabling access to needed care, sick leave, and rehabilitation. The women who finally had legitimation for their health problems described that the medical diagnosis also came with a feeling of sanity and empowerment, relieving them of their paradoxical situation.

Encountering a ‘key person’ to receive needed care

A support system was a prerequisite for enduring their health problems and finding the strength to fight for access to care. This system could be a partner, other family members, or friends who gave the women power and courage, but most importantly – encountering a professional who saw their problems and provided referrals or other options to obtain the needed help and support. In most cases, women would search for years for competent HCPs, such as midwives, physicians, or physiotherapists, who would listen and acknowledge persistent problems. This ‘key person’ showed empathy and trustworthiness, creating relief and security. Further, the ‘key person’ was portrayed as competent, attentive, professional, and respectful. The ‘key persons’ also shared women’s outrage at the mistreatment and default healthcare they endured. Additionally, these ‘key persons’ were surprised that the women were not on sick cash benefits due to their symptoms and that they had to compensate for their financial situation with parental benefits or reduced working hours and lower salaries. Consequently, finding this ‘key person’, often by chance or word of mouth, was crucial for accessing care and marked a significant turning point in the women’s recovery.

“I sought help from another midwife, as I felt something was wrong. This midwife referred me to the physiotherapist, who referred me to a specialist, who then referred me to surgery and rehabilitation.” (Malin)

Some women received follow-up care for their persistent SPT-related health problems during the first year postpartum. If persistent problems occurred and were acknowledged, the women were offered different surgical approaches with various outcomes, consultations by colon specialists, physiotherapy, and psychiatric care. They were grateful for the help they received but felt more comprehensive care was needed.

Feeling sane and empowered

Confirmation of persistent SPT-related health problems was expressed as liberating, strengthening and, as one woman put it, a ‘win’ (Elin). Receiving a medical diagnosis and appurtenant treatment was relieving because the medical confirmation of the symptoms released a considerable burden. These women described being acknowledged, and the diagnosis proved that health problems existed, and the struggles were not in vain. Furthermore, it explicitly stated to everyone, including themselves, that they were not ‘crazy’, ‘imagining things’ or ‘hysterical’.

“So, my laceration has been classified as an injury caused by the healthcare services. This was somehow a confirmation. It's not just that it's in my head, but it has been established that it is a medical injury, and it could have been avoided.” (Jin)

Alongside feelings of sanity and being legitimised, the women experienced empowerment. The women felt supported and confident. Thus, finding an agency to address the taboo of their SPT by talking openly about it and helping others in the same situation was also seen as therapeutic. Further, the legitimation of the sequelae and access to appropriate care gave them time to heal and process their trauma. Receiving sick leave certificates and benefits was seen as a part of the empowerment and legitimacy of their persistent SPT-related health problems, reducing stress, and easing the financial burden. Furthermore, access to occupational rehabilitation and understanding at work became available. Thus, the women who had received the help they needed after a struggle to obtain it were hopeful about the future and possible recovery.

“I have regained my authority to speak up. It [SPT-related health problems] should be out in the open, not withheld.” (Jaanika)

Our main finding was that women with persistent health problems due to SPT at childbirth were caught in a paradox of living in a normalised but traumatised body, and their health problems were rejected as postpartum normalities. Furthermore, our results elucidated the difficulties in accessing postpartum healthcare, rehabilitation, and sick leave benefits. Therefore, the women struggled with neglected healthcare needs, diminished emotional well-being, and loss of financial and social status. Our study highlighted experiences up to 5 years after sustaining SPT, which showed that some women’s SPT-related health problems do not diminish with time. They faced challenges functioning in daily life, at work, and in society. In contrast, finding a ‘key person’, i.e., a professional who acknowledged the women’s persistent problems as legitimate, was a prerequisite for accessing all the needed care and sick leave and enhancing empowerment for the women. Thus, this ‘key person’ was not blinded by the obstetric gaze and instead used their agency and advocacy as support.

In the following, we will discuss our findings related to other empirical studies and problematise them with theoretical reflections.

The paradox of normalising the postpartum body

In our findings, the paradox arose when the HCPs dismissed physical health problems after SPT despite women’s perceived symptoms. Central in this context was a normalisation process where health problems were regarded as ‘normal’ by HCPs, a phenomenon also found in prior research on SPT [ 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 ]. The HCPs’ normalisation of women’s health problems can also be found regarding other medical conditions affecting women, such as pelvic organ prolapse [ 52 ], menstrual pain [ 53 ], endometriosis [ 54 ] or nausea and vomiting during pregnancy [ 55 ]. In light of the medicalisation of women’s healthcare, where the medical field has sought to pathologise natural bodily processes such as pregnancy and childbirth [ 33 ], actual medical conditions such as persistent SPT-related health problems are paradoxically normalised. Our findings, therefore, highlight the need to challenge HCPs’ views of what constitutes a ‘normal postpartum body’ or ‘normal postpartum symptoms’ after sustaining SPT.

The key to healthcare

In the context of denied legitimacy of health problems and neglected needs, it appeared that the women became dependent on the goodwill of a ‘key person’, personified as the respectful, competent, and empathetic HCP. Prior research on SPT has also found women struggling with accessing healthcare [ 6 , 17 ] and specific HCPs as enablers of care [ 12 ]. The dependency on a ‘key person’ to access adequate care might highlight a structural problem within the provision of postpartum SPT-related healthcare. Globally, there are a few national guidelines on SPT management and prevention [ 56 ]. Additionally, no national guidelines regarding postpartum care of SPT exist in Sweden, and pelvic floor teams are only available in some Swedish regions [ 16 ]. In our study, the women lacked information, and competent HCPs were hard to find or located far away. Other studies have shown poor patient information and education as a postpartum problem [ 6 , 10 , 18 ], indicating a need to develop targeted oral and written information on wound healing and recovery. Further, women in Australia describe similar challenges to accessing SPT-related healthcare when having persistent SPT-related health problems [ 18 ]. The absence of national Australian guidelines may have led to inconsistent care, failing to meet women’s healthcare needs. Further, women from rural areas have had additional difficulties accessing needed care. In 2021, a clinical standard for SPT was implemented in Australia, comprising care standards for follow-up [ 57 ]. Thus, to improve the national situation in Sweden, more research and resources must be allocated to develop evidence-based recommendations, preferably internationally accepted guidelines [ 56 ]. Moreover, the accessibility of SPT-related healthcare, such as pelvic floor clinics, needs to be expanded so that women can easily meet their ‘key person’ if required.

Woman-(de)centred care?

We found that HCPs were obstructed by their obstetric gaze when assessing women with persistent SPT-related health problems. Obstetric gaze derives from the medical gaze notions [ 58 ], suggesting a gaze that splits the individual from the body, constructing the care-seeker as a medical object or condition instead of an individual with a social context. This gaze blinded HCPs who normalised obvious health problems. Recent advances in women’s healthcare in industrial countries and midwifery research show development towards continuity of care models with a woman-centred approach in different caseload-midwifery projects and informed choice regarding place of childbirth [ 28 , 59 , 60 , 61 ]. Wom e n-centred care [ 2 ] is a widespread care philosophy within midwifery that advocates for providing individualised care to women. Further, wom a n-centred care emphasises the individual woman’s healthcare needs and situation, incorporating the concepts of choice, control, continuity of caregiver, and self-determination. It can be argued that the obstetric gaze obstructed HCPs in providing wom a n-centred care because they did not acknowledge the women’s healthcare needs. Consequently, the women did not have control over their health situation. Making women feel empowered [ 2 , 62 ] is crucial in woman-centred care. Hence, the ‘key persons’ in our study managed to provide wom a n-centred care where acknowledgement of problems as real medical problems and access to care made the women experience empowerment. Therefore, we argue that guidelines regarding follow-up care after SPT should ideally be developed with wom a n-centred care as its core.

Everything looks fine

The biomedical model has traditionally focused on normality and abnormality rather than health [ 63 ]. Theoretically, the ‘obstetric gaze’ is closely tied to the ‘medical gaze’ and the ‘male gaze’, referring to the biomedical paradigm and its power [ 27 , 58 ]. In our study, the obstetric gaze judged the women’s persistent health problems due to SPT as ‘normal’ and the appearance of their genital area as ‘fine’, which created a paradoxical situation regarding the legitimacy of their ongoing health problems after SPT. Generally, the healthcare sector is critiqued for reducing the body to only incorporating organs and tissue, i.e., focusing on physical symptoms [ 27 ].

The women in our study, of which most showed more than one significant symptom after SPT, noted that HCPs would comment on the physical appearance of the perineal area rather than its functionality by telling them that ‘everything looked fine’. The focus on looks rather than functionality regarding SPT-related health problems aligns with the findings presented by others [ 17 ]. Having women describe how their persistent physical pelvic floor problems after SPT during childbirth are trivialised, normalised, questioned, and labelled as mental health issues is of utmost concern. This implies the need for rapid improvements in HCPs’ knowledge and organisation of care but also raises the question of what is considered a normal status and recovery after any perineal laceration in the short- and long-term perspective. A similar discursive focus on women’s appearance instead of their health problems has also been found among HCPs when women seek care for chronic pain [ 64 ]. The sentence ‘Everything looks fine’ can be interpreted as an objectifying, gendered discourse in an obstetric context. This discourse may reinforce the obstetric gaze and, in the broader sense, the medical gaze [ 58 ]. The Swedish Health and Medical Care Act [ 39 ] advocates for the respectful treatment of patients. Hence, it is noteworthy that the women experienced being judged by the looks of their genital area in their medical encounters rather than HCPs addressing the functionality. Such treatment does not align with the legislation and calls for a discourse analysis of the attitudes of HCPs towards women with persistent SPT-related health problems and their experiences of providing care for affected women.

Being subjected to obstetric gaslighting

In light of the women’s perception of their dismissal as dramatic, illegitimate, and irrational patients, we argue that they faced so-called ‘gaslighting’ in an obstetric context [ 65 , 66 ]. Thus, the women experienced being offered sick leave for mental problems instead of their perceived physical health problems, depicting them as hysterical women who exaggerated their condition. Gaslighting is a concept used in medicine in general [ 66 ] and in obstetrics regarding traumatic childbirth experiences [ 65 ]. The concept of hysteria, i.e., a prior medical diagnosis and historical concept theoretically linked to femininity [ 67 , 68 ] and ‘obstetric gaslighting’ [ 65 ], has also been found in research on women’s chronic pain [ 64 ] and endometriosis [ 69 ]. Men with chronic pain are perceived as brave, and women in pain are hysterical, emotional, whining, malingering, or imagining pain [ 64 ]. Further, women with endometriosis are viewed as ‘reproductive bodies’ with a proneness for hysteria [ 69 ]. Obstetric gaslighting, enforced by the normalisation of SPT-related health problems and the gendered stereotype of women as hysterical patients, puts women with SPT in an inferior position towards HCPs and can, therefore, be interpreted as a demonstration of institutional power [ 65 ]. Hence, being overlooked by the obstetric gaze might constitute a form of obstetric gaslighting, a concept that has not been applied to SPT before.

Implications and significance

Our study indicated that women continue to have problems accessing healthcare for persistent SPT-related health problems several years postpartum. Additionally, women with persistent SPT-related health problems often depended on a ‘key person’ with the competence to open the doors to comprehensive care, as shown in our findings. The Swedish Government launched a multi-million project from 2015 to 2022 to improve and promote women’s health [ 70 ]. Despite this investment, the depicted experiences of the included women reflect upon remaining structural and clinical problems within Swedish healthcare, which need further attention, investigation, and actions. Additionally, there are considerable differences in reported satisfaction and prevalence of complications at the one-year follow-up between the regions [ 3 ], indicating that there are suboptimal healthcare services. With a significant variation in satisfaction and recovery at one year, there are reasons to believe that women with prolonged problems may experience problems getting access to needed care.

Our study also showed that SPT-related healthcare services are not available on equal terms to women with persistent SPT-related health problems. In general, many women within this group had problems accessing care and sick leave for years. However, depending on where the women reside, not all women have access to specialised care. This inequity may be explained by Sweden having 21 self-governing health regions, and in the absence of national guidelines regarding SPT care and follow-up, the healthcare provision for affected women varies. To secure access to postpartum care for women with SPT in general and those with different prerequisites within this group, implementation studies are needed to develop and evaluate the effect of national guidelines for follow-up care regarding SPT.

Strengths and limitations

This study has strengths and limitations that need to be addressed. A significant strength, enhancing credibility and transferability, was providing a clear context and thick descriptions of our results, where we thoroughly portrayed the women’s voices using quotations [ 35 ]. Further, our detailed account of the study context, data collection, and data analysis process facilitated the transferability of our study. Including three women born outside of Sweden added to the variety of the sample and thus improved credibility because qualitative research often overlooks immigrants' experiences. However, the migrant women spoke Swedish well enough to participate in an interview, indicating that they have been living in Sweden for some time and might be familiar with the healthcare system. Finally, the credibility and dependability of this study were also strengthened by the frequent use of interdisciplinary triangulation between the authors throughout data analysis and the writing process, as well as peer review at a research seminar.

A potential limitation was that this study may not have fully explored the situation of women with fourth-degree lacerations or those with lower education, as most participants had third-degree perineal lacerations and higher education. Further, we could not include non-binary persons and same-sex or single parents, which may be a weakness; consequently, future studies should focus on the under-represented participant groups and migrant women needing an interpreter. Additionally, all women responded voluntarily to the study invitation. Thus, our participants might be particularly outspoken about their problems or interested in raising their voices or experiences. However, they represented a variety of persistent SPT-related health problems of various severity, and some had been able to get access to medical help, whereas others had not. Additionally, our findings cohered to similar studies [ 12 , 17 ] covering shorter periods after the SPT, which may indicate that the experiences of the challenging search for needed help remain over time. Therefore, our findings may reflect other women’s experiences seeking care for SPT-related health problems and may be transferable to other women’s experiences with persistent health problems of a rare condition.

The data for this study was comprehensive and rich. Information power in qualitative research is an ongoing discussion, and the number of participants and their representativity can be seen as a limitation of credibility and transferability [ 71 , 72 ]. Graneheim, Lindgren and Lundman [ 36 ] argue that sample size should be determined by the study’s aim and the data’s quality so that variations in experiences can be captured. They do, therefore, not recommend a specific number of participants, but others do [ 71 ]. With this in mind, the authors believe that the women’s detailed descriptions of the included concepts and the extensive length of the conducted interviews enabled us to achieve sufficient information power based on the richness of the data [ 72 ].

By qualitatively exploring how women with persistent SPT-related health problems experienced their healthcare encounters, we interpreted that they faced a paradox of being reassured of normality by HCPs despite reporting sequelae symptoms. Thus, women’s needs for medical care, rehabilitation, and sick leave were largely neglected. Further, our study might indicate a structural problem within women’s postpartum healthcare, indicating that access to care depended on encountering a ‘key person’, a professional who acknowledged persistent problems as real symptoms. Access to quality care provided with a professional attitude was essential for the future well-being of women with persistent SPT-related health problems. Thus, it should not depend on meeting a single ‘key person’. Therefore, national guidelines for long-term postpartum care of persistent SPT-related health problems must be developed in Sweden. Additionally, to ensure that healthcare services meet the individual needs of women with persistent SPT-related health problems, it is crucial to consider arranging the organisation and availability of quality care for these women from a woman-centred perspective.

Availability of data and materials

The original recordings and transcripts from the current study are not publicly available due to securing the individual privacy and confidentiality of the participants. Data are available from the corresponding author upon reasonable request.

Abbreviations

Healthcare professionals

Interquartile range

Strategic Research Area Health Care Science

  • Severe perineal trauma

Sexual and reproductive health and rights

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Acknowledgements

We want to thank the participating women for generously sharing their experiences.

Open access funding provided by Umea University. This work was supported by the Research Lift (SWE: Forskningslyftet) and Strategic Research Area Health Care Science (SFO-V), Umeå University. The funders had no specific role in the conceptualisation, design, data collection, analysis, publication decision, or manuscript preparation.

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Katharina Tjernström, Inger Lindberg & Margareta Persson

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KT: conceptualisation; data curation; formal analysis; investigation; methodology; validation; visualisation; writing - original draft; writing - review & editing. IL: conceptualisation; methodology; supervision; visualisation; writing - review & editing. MW: conceptualisation; methodology; supervision; visualisation; writing - review & editing. MP: conceptualisation; data curation; funding acquisition; methodology; project administration; supervision; visualisation; writing - review & editing. All authors read and approved the final manuscript.

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12913_2024_11037_moesm1_esm.pdf.

Additional file 1. Semi-structured interview guide for individual interviews; contains interview questions aimed at highlighting the experience of everyday life and working life after suffering 3 rd or 4 th degree perineal laceration at childbirth (i.e., severe perineal trauma [SPT]).

Additional file 2. Consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative studies (COREQ): 32-item checklist.

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Tjernström, K., Lindberg, I., Wiklund, M. et al. Overlooked by the obstetric gaze – how women with persistent health problems due to severe perineal trauma experience encounters with healthcare services: a qualitative study. BMC Health Serv Res 24 , 610 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12913-024-11037-5

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  • Persistent health problems
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An investigation into the acceptability, adoption, appropriateness, feasibility, and fidelity of implementation strategies for birth companionship in Tehran: a qualitative inquiry on mitigating mistreatment of women during childbirth

  • Marjan Mirzania 1 ,
  • Elham Shakibazadeh 1 , 2 ,
  • Sedigheh Hantoushzadeh 3 ,
  • Zahra Panahi 4 ,
  • Meghan A. Bohren 5 &
  • Abdoljavad Khajavi 6  

BMC Public Health volume  24 , Article number:  1292 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

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A birth companion is a powerful mechanism for preventing mistreatment during childbirth and is a key component of respectful maternity care (RMC). Despite a growing body of evidence supporting the benefits of birth companions in enhancing the quality of care and birth experience, the successful implementation of this practice continues to be a challenge, particularly in developing countries. Our aim was to investigate the acceptability, adoption, appropriateness, feasibility, and fidelity of implementation strategies for birth companions to mitigate the mistreatment of women during childbirth in Tehran.

This exploratory descriptive qualitative study was conducted between April and August 2023 at Valiasr Hospital in Tehran, Iran. Fifty-two face-to-face in-depth interviews were conducted with a purposive sample of women, birth companions, and maternity healthcare providers. Interviews were audio-recorded, transcribed verbatim, and analyzed using content analysis, with a deductive approach based on the Implementation Outcomes Framework in the MAXQDA 18.

Participants found the implemented program to be acceptable and beneficial, however the implementation team noticed that some healthcare providers were initially reluctant to support it and perceived it as an additional burden. However, its adoption has increased over time. Healthcare providers felt that the program was appropriate and feasible, and it improved satisfaction with care and the birth experience. Participants, however, highlighted several issues that need to be addressed. These include the need for training birth companions prior to entering the maternity hospital, informing women about the role of birth companions, assigning a dedicated midwife to provide training, and addressing any physical infrastructure concerns.

Despite some issues raised by the participants, the acceptability, adoption, appropriateness, feasibility, and fidelity of the implementation strategies for birth companions to mitigate the mistreatment of women during childbirth were well received. Future research should explore the sustainability of this program. The findings of this study can be used to support the implementation of birth companions in countries with comparable circumstances.

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Despite every woman’s right to have a positive birth experience, the mistreatment during childbirth has been documented worldwide in health facilities [ 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 ]. Recent studies from Iran have reported a high rate of mistreatment, including verbal abuse, frequent and painful vaginal examinations, neglect and abandonment, lack of supportive care, physical abuse [ 5 ], denial of mobility [ 5 , 6 , 7 ], and pain relief [ 5 , 8 ]. Additionally, women are typically not allowed to choose their labour positions [ 6 ] or have a birth companion [ 7 ].

A powerful mechanism to prevent mistreatment during childbirth, as demonstrated in previous research, is the presence of a birth companion [ 6 , 9 , 10 ]. The World Health Organization (WHO) recommends ensuring the presence of a chosen companion during labour and childbirth, as outlined in three guidelines [ 11 , 12 , 13 ]. This practice is recognized as a significant strategy for enhancing the quality of care and the birthing experience [ 12 ], and is considered a crucial element of respectful maternity care (RMC) [ 14 ]. Evidence shows that having birth companions is associated with reduced pain intensity and duration of labour, increased likelihood of spontaneous vaginal birth, decreased need for analgesia, episiotomy, and cesarean section, improved birth experience, early initiation of breastfeeding, and reduced postpartum depression [ 15 , 16 , 17 ]. Despite recognizing these benefits, the successful implementation of birth companions remains a challenge. Many women in health facilities across the world, particularly in developing countries, are denied this right [ 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 ].

Addressing the research-to-practice gap and scaling up evidence-based interventions (EBIs) are key goals of implementation science (IS). IS is a multidisciplinary field defined as “the scientific study of methods to promote the systematic uptake of research findings and other evidence-based practices into routine practice, and hence, to improve the quality and effectiveness of health services” [ 24 ]. A wide range of implementation frameworks has been published. The implementation outcomes framework, introduced by Proctor et al. (2011), is one of these frameworks. This evaluation framework includes eight outcomes that serve as indicators of successful implementation: acceptability, adoption, appropriateness, feasibility, fidelity, implementation costs, penetration, and sustainability [ 25 ].

In Iran, the Ministry of Health and Medical Education (MOHME) implemented a policy in 2014 to promote maternal and newborn health by encouraging vaginal childbirth in public hospitals. One strategy of this policy to enhance the childbirth experience is the redesign of maternity wards to allow for the presence of birth companions [ 26 ]. However, public hospitals do not always support the implementation of birth companionship. As part of a large implementation research project, we have identified the challenges of implementing a birth companion as a formative research. The results showed that the major challenges include the lack of knowledge of companions, interference of companions in the clinical duties of staff, cultural issues, staff unwillingness, lack of supervision, and structural characteristics such as lack of physical space [ 27 ]. To address these issues, we developed and implemented strategies for birth companions. To the best of our knowledge, no comprehensive study has examined the implementation outcomes of birth companions in Iran. Therefore, this study aimed to investigate the acceptability, adoption, appropriateness, feasibility, and fidelity of implementation strategies for birth companions to mitigate the mistreatment of women during childbirth in Tehran.

Study design and setting

This study was part of a larger implementation research project examining the development and implementation of a context-specific intervention to reduce disrespectful maternity care and evaluation of strategies to improve implementation. This project, initiated in October 2021, consists of five phases: (1) needs assessment, (2) identifying the interventions to reduce mistreatment of women during childbirth, (3) identifying the implementation challenges of interventions, (4) designing implementation strategies for the intervention, and (5) testing implementation strategies in a real-life setting. The results of phases 1 and 3 of the project are presented in detail elsewhere [ 5 , 27 , 28 ]. This study used an exploratory descriptive qualitative design. It employed face-to-face in-depth interviews as data collection methods. Data was analyzed according to content analysis with a deductive approach.

Study context

This study was conducted between April and August 2023 at Valiasr Hospital in Tehran, Iran. We selected this hospital because it is a major, tertiary referral hospital in Tehran that offers a wide range of obstetric services to diverse groups of women. The maternity ward, which supports approximately 200 women giving birth per month, consists of a 12-bed hall for the first stage of labour and a separate room with one bed for the active stage of labour.

Designing implementation strategies of birth companions

In response to the challenges identified for the presence of birth companions in phase 3 of the project, we designed implementation strategies. These strategies include: (1) determining the implementation team, (2) training midwives, (3) conducting orientation sessions for obstetricians and residents, (4) training birth companions, (5) allowing birth companions to accompany women during labour and childbirth, and (6) continuously monitoring the implementation process. The implementation of these strategies spanned an 8-week period from April to June 2023. Our study focused on the acceptability, adoption, appropriateness, feasibility, and fidelity of implementation strategies for birth companions during the early implementation phase. These indicators are crucial for the initial stages of implementing health interventions [ 25 ]. According to the implementation outcomes framework of Proctor et al. (2011), acceptability is defined as “the perception among implementation stakeholders that a given treatment, service, practice, or innovation is agreeable, palatable, or satisfactory”; adoption as “the intention, initial decision, or action to employ an innovation”; appropriateness as “the degree of compatibility or perceived fit of the innovation”; feasibility as “the degree of successful implementation of the innovation in a setting”; and fidelity as “the degree of implementation of the innovation as intended” [ 25 ]. The details of implementation strategies of birth companions are provided below.

Determining the implementation team

The team consisted of members of the study team, the head of obstetrics, and maternity healthcare providers (MHCPs). The members of the study team (first and second authors) held a meeting with the head of obstetrics and the matron-in-charge to explain the purpose of the study.

Training midwives

All midwives received training from the matron-in-charge ( n  = 30, five midwives in each session). The training focused on the purpose of the study, the benefits of having birth companions during labour and childbirth, and specifically on providing training to birth companions. A member of the study team (the lead researcher) participated in the sessions.

Conducting orientation sessions for obstetricians and residents

The head of obstetrics held a meeting with obstetricians and residents to explain the purpose of the study and the benefits of having birth companions during labour and childbirth.

Training birth companions

Each birth companion received a 10-minute training session from midwives on supportive labour techniques, their roles and responsibilities during labour and childbirth, and the maternity regulations upon arrival at the maternity hospital for birth.

Allowing birth companions to accompany women during labour and childbirth

Any female birth companion that labouring women wanted was allowed to stay with her during labour and childbirth.

Continuously monitoring the implementation process

Supervisory visits to the maternity hospital were conducted by the study team, the matron-in-charge, and a team from the MOHME to oversee the implementation. The first author was present at the maternity hospital every day during both morning and evening shifts. The matron-in-charge visited the maternity hospital daily, and the third author visited the maternity hospital on a weekly basis, specifically on Fridays.

Recruitment and participants

Three groups of participants were identified for this study: (a) women, (b) birth companions, and (c) MHCPs (midwives, residents, and head of obstetrics). The eligibility criteria were as follows: women who had a vaginal birth, regardless of the outcome; female birth companions stayed with women during labour and childbirth; residents who had completed at least one semester (six months) in the maternity hospital; and midwives and head of obstetrics with at least one year of work experience in their role and involvement in the birth companion study. Women who had a labour progress disorder and cesarean section were excluded from this study. A purposive sampling technique with maximum variation was used to recruit participants. This technique aimed to include individuals with diverse characteristics, such as age, education, socioeconomic status for women and birth companions, and age, work experience, and shift for MHCPs.

Following prior coordination and permission from the hospital authorities, the first author (M.M.) invited participants to contribute in person. The purpose and reasons for conducting the study were explained to participants. All participants provided written consent to participate in the study and audio recordings p the interviews. They were also aware that their participation was voluntary, and that they could decline or stop the interviews at any time without facing any consequences.

Data collection

A semi-structured interview guide and face-to-face in-depth interviews were used to collect data. The interview guides were developed based on the framework of Proctor et al. [ 25 ] and then pilot-tested by conducting three initial interviews with participants, but were not analyze (Additional file 1 : Interview guides). For women and birth companions, the study examined the acceptability and adoption of having a birth companion. Meanwhile the MHCPS were asked about the acceptability, adoption, appropriateness, feasibility, and fidelity of having a birth companion. Each interview started with an overarching question such as “Please describe your overall experience with the implementation of the birth companion program at this hospital”. The interview process continued with questions such as “Are you satisfied or dissatisfied with the current implementation of the program or intervention?”, “How appropriate is the implementation of this program or intervention in the hospital?”, “What are your thoughts on integrating this program or intervention into your hospital?”. Probing questions, such as ‘“Can you explain more?”, “Why do you think that is?” and ‘What would need to change?, were used. All interviews were conducted in Persian by the first author (M.M.), a PhD candidate in Health Education and Promotion with experience in conducting qualitative research. No prior relationships existed between her and any of the other participants. Interviews with the women and birth companions were conducted before discharge in a quiet and private place in the postpartum ward. Interviews with MHCPs were conducted in a private room with no one else present at the maternity hospital. The interviews lasted approximately 30–40 minutes, and field notes were taken. Each participant was contacted once during the study. At the end of each interview, demographic information of the participants was collected. Data saturation was achieved through interviews with 22 women, 14 birth companions, and 16 MHCPs, after which, no new major themes emerged.

Data analysis

Data analysis was conducted simultaneously with data collection, using content analysis with a deductive approach [ 29 ]. First, M.M. listened to the recorded interviews repeatedly and transcribed them verbatim in Persian. Anonymity was ensured using numerical labels for each transcript file. The transcripts were checked for accuracy by the second author (E.Sh., a female professor in health education and promotion with experience in qualitative research). They were then independently coded by M.M. and E.Sh. We marked the segments of interest in the text and color-coded them. We then put these color-coded text segments together and assigned codes to them. We grouped the various codes according to their similarities and differences and linked them to pre-determined categorizations in different themes and sub-themes. The differences among coders regarding coding were discussed until a consensus was reached. Data management and analysis were performed using MAXQDA 18 software [ 30 ]. The selected quotations were translated into English to complement the findings of the study.

The trustworthiness of the study was assessed using Lincoln and Guba’s criteria [ 31 ]. Credibility was ensured through the triangulation of participants, including women, birth companions, and MHCPs. Additionally, the initially extracted codes were provided to three participants for approval, further enhancing credibility. Confirmability ensured by utilizing multiple data sources such as field notes, observations, audio recordings, and transcripts. Additionally, the data analysis process was reviewed and confirmed by an expert qualitative researcher who was not involved in the study. To enhance dependability, two authors independently analyzed the interviews. Furthermore, a detailed description of the research process was provided to ensure the transferability of the results. This allows for the evaluation and application of the study in different contexts. The study was reported according to the consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ) checklist [ 32 ] (Additional file 2 : COREQ Checklist).

Review author reflexivity

The authors maintained a reflexive stance throughout the study from study selection to data synthesis. The author team represents diverse international academic and professional backgrounds (health education and promotion, reproductive health, obstetrics and gynecology, and health services management) with a range of research focus areas and expertise. We are mindful that the authors’ perspectives might have affected the manner in which the data were collected, analyzed, and interpreted. The different perspectives of the authors could be related to their subject expertise, professional backgrounds, and knowledge of birth companionship and respectful care. As a multidisciplinary team, the authors challenged and critiqued their preconceived assumptions through reflective dialogue and supported each other to understand how these assumptions affected the analysis or interpretation of the findings. We believe that the diversity in our team helped us to critique and challenge our biases and develop the findings of the study.

Socio-demographic characteristics of participants

A total of 52 interviews were conducted, including 22 with women, 14 with birth companions and 16 with MHCPs. The socio-demographic characteristics of the participants are summarized in Tables  1 and 2 . None potential participants declined to participate in this study. Most of the women in this study were Iranians housewives with secondary education. More than one-third of the birth companions were mothers of women and most of the support was provided only during labour. We reported on the acceptability, adoption, appropriateness, feasibility, and fidelity of birth companions’ implementation strategies, using direct quotations from the participants (Table  3 ).

Acceptability

Participants shared opinions on the acceptability of implementing birth companion strategies in three sub-themes: perceived value of birth companions, relative advantage, and credibility.

Perceived value of birth companions

Women and birth companions had overall positive experiences with the implementation of birth companions. They believed that the implementation of the program was a good idea, which resulted in continuous support from companions, satisfaction with care, and an improved birth experience. As one woman explained:

“It was my first delivery, and I was feeling very stressed. The healthcare providers were busy and unable to give me the attention I needed, but having my sister there made a significant difference. She massaged my back, used a hot water bag, assisted me with walking and exercising, and contacted healthcare providers when I required assistance. If my companion was not there, I would have had a difficult birth.” (Woman 2, 25 years old).

Another person noted that: “It was a positive experience for me, and I am content with how everything went, particularly because my mother was present in the delivery room. For example, when I was in pain, she would hold my hand and say, ‘send blessings’ or during childbirth, she would say, ‘well done, push, it’s great, I can see the baby’s head’, and it was encouraging … Thank you for making it possible for companions to be with us even during childbirth.” (Woman 19, 16 years old)

“The presence of birth companions at this hospital was a good idea; we were satisfied with this program. In the public hospitals of our city, the companions are not allowed to enter the maternity hospital. However, here I had no barrier to my presence …” (Birth companion 7, 26 years old).

Relative advantage

Women were asked if they would be more inclined to choose a hospital for giving birth if it offered birth companions as a standard practice in the maternity ward, and all of them responded affirmatively. One woman stated:

“When I gave birth a few years ago, they did not allow me to have a companion. This hospital was recommended to me by a friend. She said that last week, my sister gave birth there, and she had a companion… I came here only because I could have a companion, and I was satisfied with having a companion by my side.” (Woman 14, 21 years old).

Credibility

Both women and their companions described the quality of program implementation and training provided by midwives as beneficial:

“I think this program is being implemented well… The midwife taught me support techniques. I did them for my daughter and tried not to interfere with the clinical work of the providers… They were effective in relieving her pain.” (Birth companion 14, 50 years old).
“When I was in pain, my companion used a hot water bag, asked me to take deep breaths, or used Entonox gas… They were very helpful.” (Woman 12, 24 years old).

While providers also acknowledged the usefulness of implementing birth companions, the implementation team felt that some were initially reluctant to support the program and perceived it as an added burden. However, this reluctance changed over time due to positive outcomes, such as increasing women’s satisfaction, greater participation of companions, and reducing the workload of providers. Several providers also mentioned concerns about limited physical space, violation of women’s privacy, overcrowding, and the transmission of infection:

“Some of us initially did not support the implementation of this program, because it was perceived as an additional burden. However, after some time of implementation of the program, we observed positive outcomes, such as increased satisfaction among women during childbirth, participation of companions, and a reduction in workload… Now I can confidently say that all the providers have accepted it.” (Midwife 1, 40 years old).

In this study, adoption of implementation of birth companion strategies was discussed in two sub-themes: uptake and actual use.

The providers’ responses to the program were positive. They stated that they allow companions to accompany women during labour and childbirth. Upon entering, they provided explanations about the regulations of the maternity hospital, the role and responsibilities of the companion during labour and childbirth. They also taught emotional support techniques such as praying, using calming verbal expressions, encouraging, and comforting. Additionally, they taught physical support techniques including helping with walking, feeding, massaging, and breathing exercises.

“Upon entering, we ask women if they would like to have a companion. If they wish, we allow their companion to enter the maternity hospital. We teach her (companion)… Finally, we ask her to sign the form to receive training from the midwife.” (Midwife 14, 29 years old).
“We allow the companion to be present. We offer training to birth companions led by midwives. The midwife teaches… Most companions also perform well, according to the training they receive.” (Resident 10, 31 years old).

Providers’ adoption of the program increased over time as they gained a clearer understanding of how the program was intended to work. However, a few providers also raised concerns that the program may not be sustainable after its initial phase ends. These concerns have contributed to doubts about the program’s full adoption.

“This program cannot be expected to be sustainable within a few months of implementation… I believe it requires additional time and ongoing monitoring to be effectively integrated into the work tasks of our providers.” (Head of obstetrics, 49 years old).

Appropriateness

Participants reported three sub-themes related to the appropriateness of implementation of birth companion strategies, including perceived usefulness, integration into existing workflows, and informing women about the possibility of having a birth companion.

Perceived usefulness

Most of the participants agreed that implementation of the program in this maternity hospital was appropriate. One birth companion stated:

“I believe it is necessary to have a companion in this maternity hospital due to the overcrowding and insufficient staff. The healthcare providers do not have enough time to provide back massages of comfort a woman in labour. As companions, we can fulfil this role for them.” (Birth companion 4, 46 years old).

Integration into existing workflows

Some providers agreed that birth companions could be integrated into the existing workflows:

“I think that these implementation strategies for birth companions can be very helpful… they are simple and low cost. If we use these strategies correctly, there will be no problems in our workflow.” (Midwife 3, 41 years old).

Informing women about the possibility of having a birth companion

Some women mentioned that if they had been informed in advance (e.g., in childbirth preparation classes) about the possibility of having a birth companion, they could have chosen a more suitable person to accompany them.

“… If I had known that I could have a companion, I would have brought someone with me who would be more comfortable, trained, or at least had experience with vaginal delivery.” (Woman 1, 43 years old).

Feasibility

The providers felt that the routine use of birth companions was feasible in this maternity hospital and described three sub-themes that would contribute to improving feasibility: training birth companions in prenatal care, recruiting a fixed midwife, and improving the physical infrastructure.

Training birth companions in prenatal care

The providers commented on the importance of training birth companions and preparing them to play a role in prenatal care. Most providers stated that in order for the few minutes of training upon entering the maternity hospital to be more effective, it is important to give attention to the training of birth companions in childbirth preparation classes.

“I think the important thing is to train… It is necessary to provide training for labouring women and their companions before they enter maternity hospitals.” (Midwife 8, 40 years old).
“… Unfortunately, most of the companions were not trained here. Well, how much time do I have to explain to her during labour?” (Midwife 13, 37 years old).
“I believe that training at the maternity hospital can be more effective if the companion is already trained, and our training includes a review component.” (Resident 11, 30 years old).

Recruiting a fixed midwife

Similarly, providers discussed the importance of recruiting a fixed midwife to improve the feasibility of birth companions in maternity hospitals. The majority of providers stated that, in light of the overcrowding and understaffing, successful implementation of the program relied on recruit a fixed midwife who could provide training to labouring women and their companions.

“… I believe it is necessary to have a permanent midwife for training in order to consistently implement this program.” (Head of obstetrics, 49 years old).

Improving the physical infrastructure

Improving the physical infrastructure of maternity hospitals was also suggested by some providers as a factor related to feasibility:

“… Yes, routine use of this program is possible, but it is also important to ensure that the physical environment is suitable. We have limited physical space here. The burden of visiting is also high, and we are concerned about overcrowding and the transmission of infection.” (Resident 2, 30 years old).

Two sub-themes related to the fidelity of implementation of birth companion strategies were identified: adherence and participant responsiveness.

Almost all providers agreed that they had implemented the program as intended by the project developers. However, several of them stated that as the implementation progressed, other women (those who were scheduled for a caesarean section or had an abortion) also requested the presence of their companions, which posed a challenge at times. This is because providers had to spend time explaining and justifying their decisions.

“I believe the providers implemented the program according to the original protocol. I noticed a significant improvement in the conditions at the maternity hospital after the implementation of this program.” (Midwife 15, 34 years old).
“… The women who were scheduled for a caesarean section or had an abortion also requested the presence of their companions. If there are also companions, the maternity hospital will become very crowded, which will hinder the provision of proper care.” (Resident 16, 28 years old).
“Anyway, when a program starts to reach the ideal, it faces challenges. However, I believe that the providers who were directly involved in the implementation process adhered to the plan…” (Head of obstetrics, 49 years old).

Participant responsiveness

The level of participant engagement in the program was reported to be high, as one provider remarked:

“I think almost all providers were involved in this program. We may not have had a good participation at the beginning of the program, but it increased over time …” (Midwife 8, 40 years old).

Furthermore, providers’ statements showed that the reception of women and their companions in the presence of a birth companion was positive:

“Both women and their companions were receptive to this program. When we informed women that they could have a companion, even during their childbirth, they would be happy…” (Midwife 4, 41 years old).

This was the first qualitative study in Iran to examine the acceptability, adoption, appropriateness, feasibility, and fidelity of implementation strategies of birth companions based on the experience of women, birth companions, and MHCPs. In summary, the findings of this study indicated strategies for effectively implementing birth companions in public hospitals in Tehran.

In our study, the sub-themes associated with the acceptability of implementing birth companion strategies from the participants’ perspectives included perceived value, relative advantage, and credibility. We found that the implementation strategies used by the birth companion were acceptable to most participants. Our findings are consistent with those of previous studies [ 33 , 34 ]. Overall, women and their companions greatly appreciated the provision of a birth companion in the hospital, as it improved satisfaction with care and the birth experience [ 22 , 33 , 35 , 36 ]. Similarly, providers have described the benefits of implementing birth companions, such as continuous support and a reduced workload [ 16 , 20 , 34 , 37 ]. Furthermore, in our study, women and their companions mentioned the benefits of the quality of the program implementation and training provided by midwives. Similar findings have been reported by Kabakian-Khasholian et al. [ 34 ].

Our findings showed that although the presence of birth companions was not initially supported by some providers, its acceptance grew over time with an increased understanding of the program as well as the positive outcomes that followed for both women and providers. Another study on birth companions in the labour ward of a center in India showed that providers were initially hesitant to allow birth companions due to overcrowding and the potential disruption of their duties and decision-making [ 20 ]. The experience reported by our providers is not surprising. This is an important finding for implementation, and demonstrates that immediate acceptance of new programs after introduction cannot be expected, as research has shown that the acceptability of any program increases with knowledge of that program [ 25 ]. A possible explanation for the higher acceptability of birth companions in our study could be attributed to the continuous monitoring of the implementation team and the provision of feedback throughout the implementation process.

The uptake and actual use were perceived as important aspects of adoption of implementing birth companion strategies. Despite the fact that providers adopted the program and responded positively to its use, a few expressed doubts about the program’s sustainability beyond the initial phase. Our findings are consistent with those of a previous study conducted in Arab countries, which reported that obstetric residents expressed uncertainty regarding about the long-term viability of the labour companionship model [ 34 ]. Although examining the sustainability of the program was not the goal of our study, it is important to note this issue, which should be explored in the future.

Our study findings showed that the appropriateness of implementation of birth companion strategies refers to the perceived usefulness, integration into existing workflows, and informing women about the possibility of having a birth companion. Providers found that birth companions could be integrated into workflows. Though studies in LIMCs show that providers were reluctant to incorporate birth companions into routine maternity services for reasons such as women’s disobedience to provider instructions, companion interference in care, and the transmission of infections [ 36 , 38 , 39 ]. Some women in our study expressed the desire to be informed about the option of having a birth companion during antenatal care. This finding aligns with a study on birth companionship in Tanzania [ 33 ].

This study suggests that the implementation of birth companion strategies in this maternity hospital is feasible, but several potential factors should be considered. Some of our providers pointed out the importance of training birth companions through childbirth preparation classes for the effectiveness of their support upon entering maternity hospitals, as highlighted by Kabakian-Khasholian et al. [ 34 ]. Providers also emphasized that recruiting fixed midwives to provide training to women and their birth companions in the maternity hospital was important to support the feasibility of the program. Women and companions have also criticized the infrastructure of the maternity hospital. It is important to note that in this study, any strategy for the reconstruction of physical space (such as the lack of suitable space for the accommodation of companions) was considered but opposed by the management of the maternity hospital, despite it being an important component in the implementation of birth companions.

Our study has several practical implications. Despite the recommendations of the WHO regarding the choice of a companion during labour and childbirth, as well as existing policies, there is a need for the presence of a birth companion in Iran. Increased efforts by policy-makers and managers of maternal health programs are necessary to ensure women’s access to this right and to effectively and sustainably implement it in maternity hospitals. This will help to improve the quality of maternity care and enhance positive childbirth experiences. Furthermore, the collaboration of MHCPs in the implementation of birth companions and the establishment of continuous monitoring systems in maternity hospitals is important. It is also necessary to include training for birth companions in childbirth preparation classes, educating them about their expected role in supporting women.

Strengths and limitations

To our knowledge, this is the first study to examine the implementation outcomes of birth companions in Iran. This study encompasses a wide range of perspectives and experiences from women, birth companions, and MHCPs. This study has several limitations. First, due to the sensitive nature of the mistreatment issue, participants may have underreported some of their experiences with the companionship program possibly influenced by social desirability bias. We attempted to reduce this bias by conducting interviews in a private room and ensuring the anonymity of the participants’ identities. Second, this study was conducted solely at a public teaching hospital in Tehran, which restricts the generalizability of the findings to private hospitals in Iran. Nonetheless, this study adds to the literature on implementation strategies for birth companion’s support by incorporating implementation research (IR). The findings of this study will be useful for health policymakers in supporting the implementation of birth companions to reduce mistreatment of women during labour and childbirth. However, we recommend continuous monitoring of the actual collaboration among MHCPs during the program implementation process.

Our study found that the implementation strategies for birth companions in Tehran public hospitals are acceptable, appropriate, and feasible. These strategies improve satisfaction with care and the birth experience, seek continuous support from companions, and reduce provider workloads. However, there are several issues that need to be addressed regarding birth companions in maternity hospitals. These include training birth companions prior to the arrival, informing women about the presence of birth companions, assigning a dedicated midwife to provide training, and improving the physical infrastructure. The findings of this study can be utilized to support the implementation of birth companions in countries with comparable circumstances.

Data availability

The datasets generated and analyzed during the current study are not publicly available due to privacy restrictions of the participants but are available from the corresponding author on reasonable request.

Abbreviations

World Health Organizaion

Respectful Maternity Care

Evidence-Based Interventions

Implementation Science

Ministry of Health and Medical Education

Maternity Healthcare Providers

Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research

Implementation Research

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Acknowledgements

This study was part of a PhD dissertation. The authors would like to thank the officials and maternity healthcare providers of Valiasr Hospital in Tehran as well as all the women and birth companions for their valuable contribution to this study.

This study was funded by the Health Information Management Research Center, Tehran University of Medical Sciences, Iran (grant number 1401-3-208-62407). The funders had no role in study design, data collection and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript.

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Elham Shakibazadeh

Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, School of Medicine, Vali-E-Asr Reproductive Health research Center, Family Health Research Institute, Tehran University of Medical Sciences, Tehran, Iran

Sedigheh Hantoushzadeh

Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Maternal-Fetal Neonatal Research Center, Tehran University of Medical Sciences, Valiasr Hospital, Tehran, Iran

Zahra Panahi

Gender and Women’s Health Unit, Nossal Institute for Global Health, School of Population and Global Health, University of Melbourne, Carlton, VIC, Australia

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E.Sh., M.M., S.H., M.B., A.Kh., and Z.P. designed the study. M.M. and E.Sh. developed the interview guide. M.M. conducted the interviews. M.M. and E.Sh. analyzed the data. M.M. drafted the manuscript, and E.Sh. reviewed and edited it. All authors have read and approved the final manuscript. All authors have agreed both to be personally accountable for the author’s own contributions and to ensure that questions related to the accuracy or integrity of any part of the work, even ones in which the author was not personally involved, are appropriately investigated, resolved, and the resolution documented in the literature.

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Mirzania, M., Shakibazadeh, E., Hantoushzadeh, S. et al. An investigation into the acceptability, adoption, appropriateness, feasibility, and fidelity of implementation strategies for birth companionship in Tehran: a qualitative inquiry on mitigating mistreatment of women during childbirth. BMC Public Health 24 , 1292 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12889-024-18751-z

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What are the strengths and limitations to utilising creative methods in public and patient involvement in health and social care research? A qualitative systematic review

  • Olivia R. Phillips 1 , 2   na1 ,
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There is increasing interest in using patient and public involvement (PPI) in research to improve the quality of healthcare. Ordinarily, traditional methods have been used such as interviews or focus groups. However, these methods tend to engage a similar demographic of people. Thus, creative methods are being developed to involve patients for whom traditional methods are inaccessible or non-engaging.

To determine the strengths and limitations to using creative PPI methods in health and social care research.

Electronic searches were conducted over five databases on 14th April 2023 (Web of Science, PubMed, ASSIA, CINAHL, Cochrane Library). Studies that involved traditional, non-creative PPI methods were excluded. Creative PPI methods were used to engage with people as research advisors, rather than study participants. Only primary data published in English from 2009 were accepted. Title, abstract and full text screening was undertaken by two independent reviewers before inductive thematic analysis was used to generate themes.

Twelve papers met the inclusion criteria. The creative methods used included songs, poems, drawings, photograph elicitation, drama performance, visualisations, social media, photography, prototype development, cultural animation, card sorting and persona development. Analysis identified four limitations and five strengths to the creative approaches. Limitations included the time and resource intensive nature of creative PPI, the lack of generalisation to wider populations and ethical issues. External factors, such as the lack of infrastructure to support creative PPI, also affected their implementation. Strengths included the disruption of power hierarchies and the creation of a safe space for people to express mundane or “taboo” topics. Creative methods are also engaging, inclusive of people who struggle to participate in traditional PPI and can also be cost and time efficient.

‘Creative PPI’ is an umbrella term encapsulating many different methods of engagement and there are strengths and limitations to each. The choice of which should be determined by the aims and requirements of the research, as well as the characteristics of the PPI group and practical limitations. Creative PPI can be advantageous over more traditional methods, however a hybrid approach could be considered to reap the benefits of both. Creative PPI methods are not widely used; however, this could change over time as PPI becomes embedded even more into research.

Plain English Summary

It is important that patients and public are included in the research process from initial brainstorming, through design to delivery. This is known as public and patient involvement (PPI). Their input means that research closely aligns with their wants and needs. Traditionally to get this input, interviews and group discussions are held, but this can exclude people who find these activities non-engaging or inaccessible, for example those with language challenges, learning disabilities or memory issues. Creative methods of PPI can overcome this. This is a broad term describing different (non-traditional) ways of engaging patients and public in research, such as through the use or art, animation or performance. This review investigated the reasons why creative approaches to PPI could be difficult (limitations) or helpful (strengths) in health and social care research. After searching 5 online databases, 12 studies were included in the review. PPI groups included adults, children and people with language and memory impairments. Creative methods included songs, poems, drawings, the use of photos and drama, visualisations, Facebook, creating prototypes, personas and card sorting. Limitations included the time, cost and effort associated with creative methods, the lack of application to other populations, ethical issues and buy-in from the wider research community. Strengths included the feeling of equality between academics and the public, creation of a safe space for people to express themselves, inclusivity, and that creative PPI can be cost and time efficient. Overall, this review suggests that creative PPI is worthwhile, however each method has its own strengths and limitations and the choice of which will depend on the research project, PPI group characteristics and other practical limitations, such as time and financial constraints.

Peer Review reports

Introduction

Patient and public involvement (PPI) is the term used to describe the partnership between patients (including caregivers, potential patients, healthcare users etc.) or the public (a community member with no known interest in the topic) with researchers. It describes research that is done “‘with’ or ‘by’ the public, rather than ‘to,’ ‘about’ or ‘for’ them” [ 1 ]. In 2009, it became a legislative requirement for certain health and social care organisations to include patients, families, carers and communities in not only the planning of health and social care services, but the commissioning, delivery and evaluation of them too [ 2 ]. For example, funding applications for the National Institute of Health and Care Research (NIHR), a UK funding body, mandates a demonstration of how researchers plan to include patients/service users, the public and carers at each stage of the project [ 3 ]. However, this should not simply be a tokenistic, tick-box exercise. PPI should help formulate initial ideas and should be an instrumental, continuous part of the research process. Input from PPI can provide unique insights not yet considered and can ensure that research and health services are closely aligned to the needs and requirements of service users PPI also generally makes research more relevant with clearer outcomes and impacts [ 4 ]. Although this review refers to both patients and the public using the umbrella term ‘PPI’, it is important to acknowledge that these are two different groups with different motivations, needs and interests when it comes to health research and service delivery [ 5 ].

Despite continuing recognition of the need of PPI to improve quality of healthcare, researchers have also recognised that there is no ‘one size fits all’ method for involving patients [ 4 ]. Traditionally, PPI methods invite people to take part in interviews or focus groups to facilitate discussion, or surveys and questionnaires. However, these can sometimes be inaccessible or non-engaging for certain populations. For example, someone with communication difficulties may find it difficult to engage in focus groups or interviews. If individuals lack the appropriate skills to interact in these types of scenarios, they cannot take advantage of the participation opportunities it can provide [ 6 ]. Creative methods, however, aim to resolve these issues. These are a relatively new concept whereby researchers use creative methods (e.g., artwork, animations, Lego), to make PPI more accessible and engaging for those whose voices would otherwise go unheard. They ensure that all populations can engage in research, regardless of their background or skills. Seminal work has previously been conducted in this area, which brought to light the use of creative methodologies in research. Leavy (2008) [ 7 ] discussed how traditional interviews had limits on what could be expressed due to their sterile, jargon-filled and formulaic structure, read by only a few specialised academics. It was this that called for more creative approaches, which included narrative enquiry, fiction-based research, poetry, music, dance, art, theatre, film and visual art. These practices, which can be used in any stage of the research cycle, supported greater empathy, self-reflection and longer-lasting learning experiences compared to interviews [ 7 ]. They also pushed traditional academic boundaries, which made the research accessible not only to researchers, but the public too. Leavy explains that there are similarities between arts-based approaches and scientific approaches: both attempts to investigate what it means to be human through exploration, and used together, these complimentary approaches can progress our understanding of the human experience [ 7 ]. Further, it is important to acknowledge the parallels and nuances between creative and inclusive methods of PPI. Although creative methods aim to be inclusive (this should underlie any PPI activity, whether creative or not), they do not incorporate all types of accessible, inclusive methodologies e.g., using sign language for people with hearing impairments or audio recordings for people who cannot read. Given that there was not enough scope to include an evaluation of all possible inclusive methodologies, this review will focus on creative methods of PPI only.

We aimed to conduct a qualitative systematic review to highlight the strengths of creative PPI in health and social care research, as well as the limitations, which might act as a barrier to their implementation. A qualitative systematic review “brings together research on a topic, systematically searching for research evidence from primary qualitative studies and drawing the findings together” [ 8 ]. This review can then advise researchers of the best practices when designing PPI.

Public involvement

The PHIRST-LIGHT Public Advisory Group (PAG) consists of a team of experienced public contributors with a diverse range of characteristics from across the UK. The PAG was involved in the initial question setting and study design for this review.

Search strategy

For the purpose of this review, the JBI approach for conducting qualitative systematic reviews was followed [ 9 ]. The search terms were (“creativ*” OR “innovat*” OR “authentic” OR “original” OR “inclu*”) AND (“public and patient involvement” OR “patient and public involvement” OR “public and patient involvement and engagement” OR “patient and public involvement and engagement” OR “PPI” OR “PPIE” OR “co-produc*” OR “co-creat*” OR “co-design*” OR “cooperat*” OR “co-operat*”). This search string was modified according to the requirements of each database. Papers were filtered by title, abstract and keywords (see Additional file 1 for search strings). The databases searched included Web of Science (WoS), PubMed, ASSIA and CINAHL. The Cochrane Library was also searched to identify relevant reviews which could lead to the identification of primary research. The search was conducted on 14/04/23. As our aim was to report on the use of creative PPI in research, rather than more generic public engagement, we used electronic databases of scholarly peer-reviewed literature, which represent a wide range of recognised databases. These identified studies published in general international journals (WoS, PubMed), those in social sciences journals (ASSIA), those in nursing and allied health journals (CINAHL), and trials of interventions (Cochrane Library).

Inclusion criteria

Only full-text, English language, primary research papers from 2009 to 2023 were included. This was the chosen timeframe as in 2009 the Health and Social Reform Act made it mandatory for certain Health and Social Care organisations to involve the public and patients in planning, delivering, and evaluating services [ 2 ]. Only creative methods of PPI were accepted, rather than traditional methods, such as interviews or focus groups. For the purposes of this paper, creative PPI included creative art or arts-based approaches (e.g., e.g. stories, songs, drama, drawing, painting, poetry, photography) to enhance engagement. Titles were related to health and social care and the creative PPI was used to engage with people as research advisors, not as study participants. Meta-analyses, conference abstracts, book chapters, commentaries and reviews were excluded. There were no limits concerning study location or the demographic characteristics of the PPI groups. Only qualitative data were accepted.

Quality appraisal

Quality appraisal using the Critical Appraisal Skills Programme (CASP) checklist [ 10 ] was conducted by the primary authors (ORP and CH). This was done independently, and discrepancies were discussed and resolved. If a consensus could not be reached, a third independent reviewer was consulted (JRM). The full list of quality appraisal questions can be found in Additional file 2 .

Data extraction

ORP extracted the study characteristics and a subset of these were checked by CH. Discrepancies were discussed and amendments made. Extracted data included author, title, location, year of publication, year study was carried out, research question/aim, creative methods used, number of participants, mean age, gender, ethnicity of participants, setting, limitations and strengths of creative PPI and main findings.

Data analysis

The included studies were analysed using inductive thematic analysis [ 11 ], where themes were determined by the data. The familiarisation stage took place during full-text reading of the included articles. Anything identified as a strength or limitation to creative PPI methods was extracted verbatim as an initial code and inputted into the data extraction Excel sheet. Similar codes were sorted into broader themes, either under ‘strengths’ or ‘limitations’ and reviewed. Themes were then assigned a name according to the codes.

The search yielded 9978 titles across the 5 databases: Web of Science (1480 results), PubMed (94 results), ASSIA (2454 results), CINAHL (5948 results) and Cochrane Library (2 results), resulting in 8553 different studies after deduplication. ORP and CH independently screened their titles and abstracts, excluding those that did not meet the criteria. After assessment, 12 studies were included (see Fig.  1 ).

figure 1

PRISMA flowchart of the study selection process

Study characteristics

The included studies were published between 2018 and 2022. Seven were conducted in the UK [ 12 , 14 , 15 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 23 ], two in Canada [ 21 , 22 ], one in Australia [ 13 ], one in Norway [ 16 ] and one in Ireland [ 20 ]. The PPI activities occurred across various settings, including a school [ 12 ], social club [ 12 ], hospital [ 17 ], university [ 22 ], theatre [ 19 ], hotel [ 20 ], or online [ 15 , 21 ], however this information was omitted in 5 studies [ 13 , 14 , 16 , 18 , 23 ]. The number of people attending the PPI sessions varied, ranging from 6 to 289, however the majority (ten studies) had less than 70 participants [ 13 , 14 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 ]. Seven studies did not provide information on the age or gender of the PPI groups. Of those that did, ages ranged from 8 to 76 and were mostly female. The ethnicities of the PPI group members were also rarely recorded (see Additional file 3 for data extraction table).

Types of creative methods

The type of creative methods used to engage the PPI groups were varied. These included songs, poems, drawings, photograph elicitation, drama performance, visualisations, Facebook, photography, prototype development, cultural animation, card sorting and creating personas (see Table  1 ). These were sometimes accompanied by traditional methods of PPI such as interviews and focus group discussions.

The 12 included studies were all deemed to be of good methodological quality, with scores ranging from 6/10 to 10/10 with the CASP critical appraisal tool [ 10 ] (Table  2 ).

Thematic analysis

Analysis identified four limitations and five strengths to creative PPI (see Fig.  2 ). Limitations included the time and resource intensity of creative PPI methods, its lack of generalisation, ethical issues and external factors. Strengths included the disruption of power hierarchies, the engaging and inclusive nature of the methods and their long-term cost and time efficiency. Creative PPI methods also allowed mundane and “taboo” topics to be discussed within a safe space.

figure 2

Theme map of strengths and limitations

Limitations of creative PPI

Creative ppi methods are time and resource intensive.

The time and resource intensive nature of creative PPI methods is a limitation, most notably for the persona-scenario methodology. Valaitis et al. [ 22 ] used 14 persona-scenario workshops with 70 participants to co-design a healthcare intervention, which aimed to promote optimal aging in Canada. Using the persona method, pairs composed of patients, healthcare providers, community service providers and volunteers developed a fictional character which they believed represented an ‘end-user’ of the healthcare intervention. Due to the depth and richness of the data produced the authors reported that it was time consuming to analyse. Further, they commented that the amount of information was difficult to disseminate to scientific leads and present at team meetings. Additionally, to ensure the production of high-quality data, to probe for details and lead group discussion there was a need for highly skilled facilitators. The resource intensive nature of the creative co-production was also noted in a study using the persona scenario and creative worksheets to develop a prototype decision support tool for individuals with malignant pleural effusion [ 17 ]. With approximately 50 people, this was also likely to yield a high volume of data to consider.

To prepare materials for populations who cannot engage in traditional methods of PPI was also timely. Kearns et al. [ 18 ] developed a feedback questionnaire for people with aphasia to evaluate ICT-delivered rehabilitation. To ensure people could participate effectively, the resources used during the workshops, such as PowerPoints, online images and photographs, had to be aphasia-accessible, which was labour and time intensive. The author warned that this time commitment should not be underestimated.

There are further practical limitations to implementing creative PPI, such as the costs of materials for activities as well as hiring a space for workshops. For example, the included studies in this review utilised pens, paper, worksheets, laptops, arts and craft supplies and magazines and took place in venues such as universities, a social club, and a hotel. Further, although not limited to creative PPI methods exclusively but rather most studies involving the public, a financial incentive was often offered for participation, as well as food, parking, transport and accommodation [ 21 , 22 ].

Creative PPI lacks generalisation

Another barrier to the use of creative PPI methods in health and social care research was the individual nature of its output. Those who participate, usually small in number, produce unique creative outputs specific to their own experiences, opinions and location. Craven et al. [ 13 ], used arts-based visualisations to develop a toolbox for adults with mental health difficulties. They commented, “such an approach might still not be worthwhile”, as the visualisations were individualised and highly personal. This indicates that the output may fail to meet the needs of its end-users. Further, these creative PPI groups were based in certain geographical regions such as Stoke-on-Trent [ 19 ] Sheffield [ 23 ], South Wales [ 12 ] or Ireland [ 20 ], which limits the extent the findings can be applied to wider populations, even within the same area due to individual nuances. Further, the study by Galler et al. [ 16 ], is specific to the Norwegian context and even then, maybe only a sub-group of the Norwegian population as the sample used was of higher socioeconomic status.

However, Grindell et al. [ 17 ], who used persona scenarios, creative worksheets and prototype development, pointed out that the purpose of this type of research is to improve a certain place, rather than apply findings across other populations and locations. Individualised output may, therefore, only be a limitation to research wanting to conduct PPI on a large scale.

If, however, greater generalisation within PPI is deemed necessary, then social media may offer a resolution. Fedorowicz et al. [ 15 ], used Facebook to gain feedback from the public on the use of video-recording methodology for an upcoming project. This had the benefit of including a more diverse range of people (289 people joined the closed group), who were spread geographically around the UK, as well as seven people from overseas.

Creative PPI has ethical issues

As with other research, ethical issues must be taken into consideration. Due to the nature of creative approaches, as well as the personal effort put into them, people often want to be recognised for their work. However, this compromises principles so heavily instilled in research such as anonymity and confidentiality. With the aim of exploring issues related to health and well-being in a town in South Wales, Byrne et al. [ 12 ], asked year 4/5 and year 10 pupils to create poems, songs, drawings and photographs. Community members also created a performance, mainly of monologues, to explore how poverty and inequalities are dealt with. Byrne noted the risks of these arts-based approaches, that being the possibility of over-disclosure and consequent emotional distress, as well as people’s desire to be named for their work. On one hand, the anonymity reduces the sense of ownership of the output as it does not portray a particular individual’s lived experience anymore. On the other hand, however, it could promote a more honest account of lived experience. Supporting this, Webber et al. [ 23 ], who used the persona method to co-design a back pain educational resource prototype, claimed that the anonymity provided by this creative technique allowed individuals to externalise and anonymise their own personal experience, thus creating a more authentic and genuine resource for future users. This implies that anonymity can be both a limitation and strength here.

The use of creative PPI methods is impeded by external factors

Despite the above limitations influencing the implementation of creative PPI techniques, perhaps the most influential is that creative methodologies are simply not mainstream [ 19 ]. This could be linked to the issues above, like time and resource intensity, generalisation and ethical issues but it is also likely to involve more systemic factors within the research community. Micsinszki et al. [ 21 ], who co-designed a hub for the health and well-being of vulnerable populations, commented that there is insufficient infrastructure to conduct meaningful co-design as well as a dominant medical model. Through a more holistic lens, there are “sociopolitical environments that privilege individualism over collectivism, self-sufficiency over collaboration, and scientific expertise over other ways of knowing based on lived experience” [ 21 ]. This, it could be suggested, renders creative co-design methodologies, which are based on the foundations of collectivism, collaboration and imagination an invalid technique in the research field, which is heavily dominated by more scientific methods offering reproducibility, objectivity and reliability.

Although we acknowledge that creative PPI techniques are not always appropriate, it may be that their main limitation is the lack of awareness of these methods or lack of willingness to use them. Further, there is always the risk that PPI, despite being a mandatory part of research, is used in a tokenistic or tick-box fashion [ 20 ], without considering the contribution that meaningful PPI could make to enhancing the research. It may be that PPI, let alone creative PPI, is not at the forefront of researchers’ minds when planning research.

Strengths of creative PPI

Creative ppi disrupts power hierarchies.

One of the main strengths of creative PPI techniques, cited most frequently in the included literature, was that they disrupt traditional power hierarchies [ 12 , 13 , 17 , 19 , 23 ]. For example, the use of theatre performance blurred the lines between professional and lay roles between the community and policy makers [ 12 ]. Individuals created a monologue to portray how poverty and inequality impact daily life and presented this to representatives of the National Assembly of Wales, Welsh Government, the Local Authority, Arts Council and Westminster. Byrne et al. [ 12 ], states how this medium allowed the community to engage with the people who make decisions about their lives in an environment of respect and understanding, where the hierarchies are not as visible as in other settings, e.g., political surgeries. Creative PPI methods have also removed traditional power hierarchies between researchers and adolescents. Cook et al. [ 13 ], used arts-based approaches to explore adolescents’ ideas about the “perfect” condom. They utilised the “Life Happens” resource, where adolescents drew and then decorated a person with their thoughts about sexual relationships, not too dissimilar from the persona-scenario method. This was then combined with hypothetical scenarios about sexuality. A condom-mapping exercise was then implemented, where groups shared the characteristics that make a condom “perfect” on large pieces of paper. Cook et al. [ 13 ], noted that usually power imbalances make it difficult to elicit information from adolescents, however these power imbalances were reduced due to the use of creative co-design techniques.

The same reduction in power hierarchies was noted by Grindell et al. [ 17 ], who used the person-scenario method and creative worksheets with individuals with malignant pleural effusion. This was with the aim of developing a prototype of a decision support tool for patients to help with treatment options. Although this process involved a variety of stakeholders, such as patients, carers and healthcare professionals, creative co-design was cited as a mechanism that worked to reduce power imbalances – a limitation of more traditional methods of research. Creative co-design blurred boundaries between end-users and clinical staff and enabled the sharing of ideas from multiple, valuable perspectives, meaning the prototype was able to suit user needs whilst addressing clinical problems.

Similarly, a specific creative method named cultural animation was also cited to dissolve hierarchies and encourage equal contributions from participants. Within this arts-based approach, Keleman et al. [ 19 ], explored the concept of “good health” with individuals from Stoke-on Trent. Members of the group created art installations using ribbons, buttons, cardboard and straws to depict their idea of a “healthy community”, which was accompanied by a poem. They also created a 3D Facebook page and produced another poem or song addressing the government to communicate their version of a “picture of health”. Public participants said that they found the process empowering, honest, democratic, valuable and practical.

This dissolving of hierarchies and levelling of power is beneficial as it increases the sense of ownership experienced by the creators/producers of the output [ 12 , 17 , 23 ]. This is advantageous as it has been suggested to improve its quality [ 23 ].

Creative PPI allows the unsayable to be said

Creative PPI fosters a safe space for mundane or taboo topics to be shared, which may be difficult to communicate using traditional methods of PPI. For example, the hypothetical nature of condom mapping and persona-scenarios meant that adolescents could discuss a personal topic without fear of discrimination, judgement or personal disclosure [ 13 ]. The safe space allowed a greater volume of ideas to be generated amongst peers where they might not have otherwise. Similarly, Webber et al. [ 23 ], , who used the persona method to co-design the prototype back pain educational resource, also noted how this method creates anonymity whilst allowing people the opportunity to externalise personal experiences, thoughts and feelings. Other creative methods were also used, such as drawing, collaging, role play and creating mood boards. A cardboard cube (labelled a “magic box”) was used to symbolise a physical representation of their final prototype. These creative methods levelled the playing field and made personal experiences accessible in a safe, open environment that fostered trust, as well as understanding from the researchers.

It is not only sensitive subjects that were made easier to articulate through creative PPI. The communication of mundane everyday experiences were also facilitated, which were deemed typically ‘unsayable’. This was specifically given in the context of describing intangible aspects of everyday health and wellbeing [ 11 ]. Graphic designers can also be used to visually represent the outputs of creative PPI. These captured the movement and fluidity of people and well as the relationships between them - things that cannot be spoken but can be depicted [ 21 ].

Creative PPI methods are inclusive

Another strength of creative PPI was that it is inclusive and accessible [ 17 , 19 , 21 ]. The safe space it fosters, as well as the dismantling of hierarchies, welcomed people from a diverse range of backgrounds and provided equal opportunities [ 21 ], especially for those with communication and memory difficulties who might be otherwise excluded from PPI. Kelemen et al. [ 19 ], who used creative methods to explore health and well-being in Stoke-on-Trent, discussed how people from different backgrounds came together and connected, discussed and reached a consensus over a topic which evoked strong emotions, that they all have in common. Individuals said that the techniques used “sets people to open up as they are not overwhelmed by words”. Similarly, creative activities, such as the persona method, have been stated to allow people to express themselves in an inclusive environment using a common language. Kearns et al. [ 18 ], who used aphasia-accessible material to develop a questionnaire with aphasic individuals, described how they felt comfortable in contributing to workshops (although this material was time-consuming to make, see ‘Limitations of creative PPI’ ).

Despite the general inclusivity of creative PPI, it can also be exclusive, particularly if online mediums are used. Fedorowicz et al. [ 15 ], used Facebook to create a PPI group, and although this may rectify previous drawbacks about lack of generalisation of creative methods (as Facebook can reach a greater number of people, globally), it excluded those who are not digitally active or have limited internet access or knowledge of technology. Online methods have other issues too. Maintaining the online group was cited as challenging and the volume of responses required researchers to interact outside of their working hours. Despite this, online methods like Facebook are very accessible for people who are physically disabled.

Creative PPI methods are engaging

The process of creative PPI is typically more engaging and produces more colourful data than traditional methods [ 13 ]. Individuals are permitted and encouraged to explore a creative self [ 19 ], which can lead to the exploration of new ideas and an overall increased enjoyment of the process. This increased engagement is particularly beneficial for younger PPI groups. For example, to involve children in the development of health food products, Galler et al. [ 16 ] asked 9-12-year-olds to take photos of their food and present it to other children in a “show and tell” fashion. They then created a newspaper article describing a new healthy snack. In this creative focus group, children were given lab coats to further their identity as inventors. Galler et al. [ 16 ], notes that the methods were highly engaging and facilitated teamwork and group learning. This collaborative nature of problem-solving was also observed in adults who used personas and creative worksheets to develop the resource for lower back pain [ 23 ]. Dementia patients too have been reported to enjoy the creative and informal approach to idea generation [ 20 ].

The use of cultural animation allowed people to connect with each other in a way that traditional methods do not [ 19 , 21 ]. These connections were held in place by boundary objects, such as ribbons, buttons, fabric and picture frames, which symbolised a shared meaning between people and an exchange of knowledge and emotion. Asking groups to create an art installation using these objects further fostered teamwork and collaboration, both at an individual and collective level. The exploration of a creative self increased energy levels and encouraged productive discussions and problem-solving [ 19 ]. Objects also encouraged a solution-focused approach and permitted people to think beyond their usual everyday scope [ 17 ]. They also allowed facilitators to probe deeper about the greater meanings carried by the object, which acted as a metaphor [ 21 ].

From the researcher’s point of view, co-creative methods gave rise to ideas they might not have initially considered. Valaitis et al. [ 22 ], found that over 40% of the creative outputs were novel ideas brought to light by patients, healthcare providers/community care providers, community service providers and volunteers. One researcher commented, “It [the creative methods] took me on a journey, in a way that when we do other pieces of research it can feel disconnected” [ 23 ]. Another researcher also stated they could not return to the way they used to do research, as they have learnt so much about their own health and community and how they are perceived [ 19 ]. This demonstrates that creative processes not only benefit the project outcomes and the PPI group, but also facilitators and researchers. However, although engaging, creative methods have been criticised for not demonstrating academic rigour [ 17 ]. Moreover, creative PPI may also be exclusive to people who do not like or enjoy creative activities.

Creative PPI methods are cost and time efficient

Creative PPI workshops can often produce output that is visible and tangible. This can save time and money in the long run as the output is either ready to be implemented in a healthcare setting or a first iteration has already been developed. This may also offset the time and costs it takes to implement creative PPI. For example, the prototype of the decision support tool for people with malignant pleural effusion was developed using personas and creative worksheets. The end result was two tangible prototypes to drive the initial idea forward as something to be used in practice [ 17 ]. The use of creative co-design in this case saved clinician time as well as the time it would take to develop this product without the help of its end-users. In the development of this particular prototype, analysis was iterative and informed the next stage of development, which again saved time. The same applies for the feedback questionnaire for the assessment of ICT delivered aphasia rehabilitation. The co-created questionnaire, designed with people with aphasia, was ready to be used in practice [ 18 ]. This suggests that to overcome time and resource barriers to creative PPI, researchers should aim for it to be engaging whilst also producing output.

That useable products are generated during creative workshops signals to participating patients and public members that they have been listened to and their thoughts and opinions acted upon [ 23 ]. For example, the development of the back pain resource based on patient experiences implies that their suggestions were valid and valuable. Further, those who participated in the cultural animation workshop reported that the process visualises change, and that it already feels as though the process of change has started [ 19 ].

The most cost and time efficient method of creative PPI in this review is most likely the use of Facebook to gather feedback on project methodology [ 15 ]. Although there were drawbacks to this, researchers could involve more people from a range of geographical areas at little to no cost. Feedback was instantaneous and no training was required. From the perspective of the PPI group, they could interact however much or little they wish with no time commitment.

This systematic review identified four limitations and five strengths to the use of creative PPI in health and social care research. Creative PPI is time and resource intensive, can raise ethical issues and lacks generalisability. It is also not accepted by the mainstream. These factors may act as barriers to the implementation of creative PPI. However, creative PPI disrupts traditional power hierarchies and creates a safe space for taboo or mundane topics. It is also engaging, inclusive and can be time and cost efficient in the long term.

Something that became apparent during data analysis was that these are not blanket strengths and limitations of creative PPI as a whole. The umbrella term ‘creative PPI’ is broad and encapsulates a wide range of activities, ranging from music and poems to prototype development and persona-scenarios, to more simplistic things like the use of sticky notes and ordering cards. Many different activities can be deemed ‘creative’ and the strengths and limitations of one does not necessarily apply to another. For example, cultural animation takes greater effort to prepare than the use of sticky notes and sorting cards, and the use of Facebook is cheaper and wider reaching than persona development. Researchers should use their discretion and weigh up the benefits and drawbacks of each method to decide on a technique which suits the project. What might be a limitation to creative PPI in one project may not be in another. In some cases, creative PPI may not be suitable at all.

Furthermore, the choice of creative PPI method also depends on the needs and characteristics of the PPI group. Children, adults and people living with dementia or language difficulties all have different engagement needs and capabilities. This indicates that creative PPI is not one size fits all and that the most appropriate method will change depending on the composition of the group. The choice of method will also be determined by the constraints of the research project, namely time, money and the research aim. For example, if there are time constraints, then a method which yields a lot of data and requires a lot of preparation may not be appropriate. If generalisation is important, then an online method is more suitable. Together this indicates that the choice of creative PPI method is highly individualised and dependent on multiple factors.

Although the limitations discussed in this review apply to creative PPI, they are not exclusive to creative PPI. Ethical issues are a consideration within general PPI research, especially when working with more vulnerable populations, such as children or adults living with a disability. It can also be the case that traditional PPI methods lack generalisability, as people who volunteer to be part of such a group are more likely be older, middle class and retired [ 24 ]. Most research is vulnerable to this type of bias, however, it is worth noting that generalisation is not always a goal and research remains valid and meaningful in its absence. Although online methods may somewhat combat issues related to generalisability, these methods still exclude people who do not have access to the internet/technology or who choose not to use it, implying that online PPI methods may not be wholly representative of the general population. Saying this, however, the accessibility of creative PPI techniques differs from person to person, and for some, online mediums may be more accessible (for example for those with a physical disability), and for others, this might be face-to-face. To combat this, a range of methods should be implemented. Planning multiple focus group and interviews for traditional PPI is also time and resource intensive, however the extra resources required to make this creative may be even greater. Although, the rich data provided may be worth the preparation and analysis time, which is also likely to depend on the number of participants and workshop sessions required. PPI, not just creative PPI, often requires the provision of a financial incentive, refreshments, parking and accommodation, which increase costs. These, however, are imperative and non-negotiable, as they increase the accessibility of research, especially to minority and lower-income groups less likely to participate. Adequate funding is also important for co-design studies where repeated engagement is required. One barrier to implementation, which appears to be exclusive to creative methods, however, is that creative methods are not mainstream. This cannot be said for traditional PPI as this is often a mandatory part of research applications.

Regarding the strengths of creative PPI, it could be argued that most appear to be exclusive to creative methodologies. These are inclusive by nature as multiple approaches can be taken to evoke ideas from different populations - approaches that do not necessarily rely on verbal or written communication like interviews and focus groups do. Given the anonymity provided by some creative methods, such as personas, people may be more likely to discuss their personal experiences under the guise of a general end-user, which might be more difficult to maintain when an interviewer is asking an individual questions directly. Additionally, creative methods are by nature more engaging and interactive than traditional methods, although this is a blanket statement and there may be people who find the question-and-answer/group discussion format more engaging. Creative methods have also been cited to eliminate power imbalances which exist in traditional research [ 12 , 13 , 17 , 19 , 23 ]. These imbalances exist between researchers and policy makers and adolescents, adults and the community. Lastly, although this may occur to a greater extent in creative methods like prototype development, it could be suggested that PPI in general – regardless of whether it is creative - is more time and cost efficient in the long-term than not using any PPI to guide or refine the research process. It must be noted that these are observations based on the literature. To be certain these differences exist between creative and traditional methods of PPI, direct empirical evaluation of both should be conducted.

To the best of our knowledge, this is the first review to identify the strengths and limitations to creative PPI, however, similar literature has identified barriers and facilitators to PPI in general. In the context of clinical trials, recruitment difficulties were cited as a barrier, as well as finding public contributors who were free during work/school hours. Trial managers reported finding group dynamics difficult to manage and the academic environment also made some public contributors feel nervous and lacking confidence to speak. Facilitators, however, included the shared ownership of the research – something that has been identified in the current review too. In addition, planning and the provision of knowledge, information and communication were also identified as facilitators [ 25 ]. Other research on the barriers to meaningful PPI in trial oversight committees included trialist confusion or scepticism over the PPI role and the difficulties in finding PPI members who had a basic understanding of research [ 26 ]. However, it could be argued that this is not representative of the average patient or public member. The formality of oversight meetings and the technical language used also acted as a barrier, which may imply that the informal nature of creative methods and its lack of dependency on literacy skills could overcome this. Further, a review of 42 reviews on PPI in health and social care identified financial compensation, resources, training and general support as necessary to conduct PPI, much like in the current review where the resource intensiveness of creative PPI was identified as a limitation. However, others were identified too, such as recruitment and representativeness of public contributors [ 27 ]. Like in the current review, power imbalances were also noted, however this was included as both a barrier and facilitator. Collaboration seemed to diminish hierarchies but not always, as sometimes these imbalances remained between public contributors and healthcare staff, described as a ‘them and us’ culture [ 27 ]. Although these studies compliment the findings of the current review, a direct comparison cannot be made as they do not concern creative methods. However, it does suggest that some strengths and weaknesses are shared between creative and traditional methods of PPI.

Strengths and limitations of this review

Although a general definition of creative PPI exists, it was up to our discretion to decide exactly which activities were deemed as such for this review. For example, we included sorting cards, the use of interactive whiteboards and sticky notes. Other researchers may have a more or less stringent criteria. However, two reviewers were involved in this decision which aids the reliability of the included articles. Further, it may be that some of the strengths and limitations cannot fully be attributed to the creative nature of the PPI process, but rather their co-created nature, however this is hard to disentangle as the included papers involved both these aspects.

During screening, it was difficult to decide whether the article was utilising creative qualitative methodology or creative PPI , as it was often not explicitly labelled as such. Regardless, both approaches involved the public/patients refining a healthcare product/service. This implies that if this review were to be replicated, others may do it differently. This may call for greater standardisation in the reporting of the public’s involvement in research. For example, the NIHR outlines different approaches to PPI, namely “consultation”, “collaboration”, “co-production” and “user-controlled”, which each signify an increased level of public power and influence [ 28 ]. Papers with elements of PPI could use these labels to clarify the extent of public involvement, or even explicitly state that there was no PPI. Further, given our decision to include only scholarly peer-reviewed literature, it is possible that data were missed within the grey literature. Similarly, the literature search will not have identified all papers relating to different types of accessible inclusion. However, the intent of the review was to focus solely on those within the definition of creative.

This review fills a gap in the literature and helps circulate and promote the concept of creative PPI. Each stage of this review, namely screening and quality appraisal, was conducted by two independent reviewers. However, four full texts could not be accessed during the full text reading stage, meaning there are missing data that could have altered or contributed to the findings of this review.

Research recommendations

Given that creative PPI can require effort to prepare, perform and analyse, sufficient time and funding should be allocated in the research protocol to enable meaningful and continuous PPI. This is worthwhile as PPI can significantly change the research output so that it aligns closely with the needs of the group it is to benefit. Researchers should also consider prototype development as a creative PPI activity as this might reduce future time/resource constraints. Shifting from a top-down approach within research to a bottom-up can be advantageous to all stakeholders and can help move creative PPI towards the mainstream. This, however, is the collective responsibility of funding bodies, universities and researchers, as well as committees who approve research bids.

A few of the included studies used creative techniques alongside traditional methods, such as interviews, which could also be used as a hybrid method of PPI, perhaps by researchers who are unfamiliar with creative techniques or to those who wish to reap the benefits of both. Often the characteristics of the PPI group were not included, including age, gender and ethnicity. It would be useful to include such information to assess how representative the PPI group is of the population of interest.

Creative PPI is a relatively novel approach of engaging the public and patients in research and it has both advantages and disadvantages compared to more traditional methods. There are many approaches to implementing creative PPI and the choice of technique will be unique to each piece of research and is reliant on several factors. These include the age and ability of the PPI group as well as the resource limitations of the project. Each method has benefits and drawbacks, which should be considered at the protocol-writing stage. However, given adequate funding, time and planning, creative PPI is a worthwhile and engaging method of generating ideas with end-users of research – ideas which may not be otherwise generated using traditional methods.

Data availability

No datasets were generated or analysed during the current study.

Abbreviations

Critical Appraisal Skills Programme

The Joanna Briggs Institute

National Institute of Health and Care Research

Public Advisory Group

Public and Patient Involvement

Web of Science

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Acknowledgements

With thanks to the PHIRST-LIGHT public advisory group and consortium for their thoughts and contributions to the design of this work.

The research team is supported by a National Institute for Health and Care Research grant (PHIRST-LIGHT Reference NIHR 135190).

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Olivia R. Phillips and Cerian Harries share joint first authorship.

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Nottingham Centre for Public Health and Epidemiology, Lifespan and Population Health, School of Medicine, University of Nottingham, Clinical Sciences Building, City Hospital Campus, Hucknall Road, Nottingham, NG5 1PB, UK

Olivia R. Phillips, Jo Leonardi-Bee, Holly Knight & Joanne R. Morling

National Institute for Health and Care Research (NIHR) PHIRST-LIGHT, Nottingham, UK

Olivia R. Phillips, Cerian Harries, Jo Leonardi-Bee, Holly Knight, Lauren B. Sherar, Veronica Varela-Mato & Joanne R. Morling

School of Sport, Exercise and Health Sciences, Loughborough University, Epinal Way, Loughborough, Leicestershire, LE11 3TU, UK

Cerian Harries, Lauren B. Sherar & Veronica Varela-Mato

Nottingham Centre for Evidence Based Healthcare, School of Medicine, University of Nottingham, Nottingham, UK

Jo Leonardi-Bee

NIHR Nottingham Biomedical Research Centre (BRC), Nottingham University Hospitals NHS Trust, University of Nottingham, Nottingham, NG7 2UH, UK

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Author contributions: study design: ORP, CH, JRM, JLB, HK, LBS, VVM, literature searching and screening: ORP, CH, JRM, data curation: ORP, CH, analysis: ORP, CH, JRM, manuscript draft: ORP, CH, JRM, Plain English Summary: ORP, manuscript critical review and editing: ORP, CH, JRM, JLB, HK, LBS, VVM.

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Additional file 1: Search strings: Description of data: the search strings and filters used in each of the 5 databases in this review

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Additional file 3: Table 1: Description of data: elements of the data extraction table that are not in the main manuscript

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Phillips, O.R., Harries, C., Leonardi-Bee, J. et al. What are the strengths and limitations to utilising creative methods in public and patient involvement in health and social care research? A qualitative systematic review. Res Involv Engagem 10 , 48 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s40900-024-00580-4

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  • Public and patient involvement
  • Creative PPI
  • Qualitative systematic review

Research Involvement and Engagement

ISSN: 2056-7529

example study of qualitative research

  • Open access
  • Published: 18 May 2024

Identifying primary care clinicians’ preferences for, barriers to, and facilitators of information-seeking in clinical practice in Singapore: a qualitative study

  • Mauricette Moling Lee 1 , 2 ,
  • Wern Ee Tang 3 ,
  • Helen Elizabeth Smith 4 &
  • Lorainne Tudor Car 1 , 5  

BMC Primary Care volume  25 , Article number:  172 ( 2024 ) Cite this article

Metrics details

The growth of medical knowledge and patient care complexity calls for improved clinician access to evidence-based resources. This study aimed to explore the primary care clinicians’ preferences for, barriers to, and facilitators of information-seeking in clinical practice in Singapore.

A convenience sample of ten doctors and ten nurses was recruited. We conducted semi-structured face-to-face in-depth interviews. The interviews were recorded, transcribed verbatim, and analysed using thematic content analysis.

Of the 20 participants, eight doctors and ten nurses worked at government-funded polyclinics and two doctors worked in private practice. Most clinicians sought clinical information daily at the point-of-care. The most searched-for information by clinicians in practice was less common conditions. Clinicians preferred evidence-based resources such as clinical practice guidelines and UpToDate®. Clinical practice guidelines were mostly used when they were updated or based on memory. Clinicians also commonly sought answers from their peers. Furthermore, clinicians frequently use smartphones to access the Google search engine and UpToDate® app. The barriers to accessing clinical information included the lack of time, internet surfing separation of work computers, limited search functions in the organisation’s server, and limited access to medical literature databases. The facilitators of accessing clinical information included convenience, easy access, and trustworthiness of information sources.

Most primary care clinicians in our study sought clinical information at the point-of-care daily and reported increasing use of smartphones for information-seeking. Future research focusing on interventions to improve access to credible clinical information for primary care clinicians at the point-of-care is recommended.

Trial registration

This study has been reviewed by NHG Domain Specific Review Board (NHG DSRB) (the central ethics committee) for ethics approval. NHG DSRB Reference Number: 2018/01355 (31/07/2019).

Peer Review reports

Primary care clinicians provide the bulk of care to patients in primary care settings. In Singapore, there are 23 polyclinics and about 1,800 General Practitioner (GP) clinics with private GPs providing primary care for about 80% of the population [ 1 ]. The primary care clinicians provide primary care services at community polyclinics and private medical clinics around Singapore [ 1 ]. The polyclinics are formed by three healthcare groups – National Healthcare Group, National University Health System, and SingHealth [ 1 ]. These polyclinics served various populations in Singapore's central, northern, north-eastern, western, and eastern parts [ 1 ]. Every day, clinicians make many clinical decisions, ranging from diagnosis and prognosis to treatment and patient management [ 2 , 3 ]. However, to provide consistent high-quality patient care, such clinical judgments must be informed by existing trustworthy medical evidence [ 4 , 5 , 6 ]. To meet their information needs, clinicians seek relevant information from various sources of information [ 3 ]. Searching for and using the information to meet information needs has been described as information-seeking behaviour [ 7 , 8 , 9 ].

Previous research showed that clinicians often raise questions about patient care in their practice [ 10 ]. Half of those questions are left unanswered. Identifying what information primary care clinicians need, how they search for required information and how they adopt it into practice is essential in ensuring safe and high-quality patient care [ 11 , 12 ]. While there are reports of information-seeking behaviour in primary care from other countries [ 2 , 8 , 13 , 14 ], similar reports in Singapore are limited.

Clinicians may consult several sources to support their decisions, including clinical practice guidelines (CPGs), journal articles, peers, and more [ 3 ]. However, there is a wide variation in the adoption of evidence-based practices across healthcare disciplines, which could lead to poorer primary care outcomes [ 8 , 12 , 15 , 16 , 17 , 18 , 19 ]. To mitigate this, a commonly employed approach is the development of CPGs, clinical pathways, or care guides [ 20 ]. They offer a structured, reliable, and consistent approach to healthcare evidence dissemination and reduce unnecessary clinical practice variation [ 21 ]. However, CPGs are costly to develop and update, context-specific, and unevenly adopted across various healthcare systems [ 22 ]. CPG's uptake is affected by diverse factors such as presentation formats, time pressures, reputability, and ownership [ 14 , 23 ]. Conversely, other sources of clinical practice-related information may not be as valid, credible, or current as CPGs.

Increasingly, healthcare professionals worldwide use their smartphones as an important channel for clinical information [ 24 , 25 , 26 , 27 ], using them to access websites, mobile apps or communicate with peers [ 28 ]. The use of electronic resources improves clinicians' knowledge and behaviour as well as patients' outcomes [ 29 ]. However, evidence on how smartphones are used at the point-of-care, particularly for evidence-seeking, is limited. Singapore, with a total population of 5.92 million as of the end of June 2023 [ 30 ], is one of the countries with the highest smartphone usage among its residents, with approximately 5.72 million (97%) users in 2023 [ 31 ]. Correspondingly, smartphones may be an important information-seeking channel among primary care clinicians. However, the increasing cyber threats worldwide may lead to internet surfing separation as a common security measure.

Institutional policies limiting access to computers at the point-of-care deter clinicians from seeking information and disrupt their workflow [ 32 ]. Due to patient data privacy breaches, the Singapore Ministry of Health introduced internet surfing separation as a security measure in July 2018 in all public healthcare institutions in Singapore [ 33 ]. Internet surfing separation stands for the restrictions on internet access and browsing which were enforced in Singapore public healthcare institutions in 2018 due to patient data privacy breaches [ 33 ]. This has limited the internet access of primary care clinicians at the workplace. Since its introduction, the Internet has not been accessible from any of the clinic's desktop computers and has been available through a few work laptops with limited availability to the polyclinic staff. At the time that this research was conducted, primary care clinicians in the public healthcare sector in Singapore did not have access to the internet from their work computers. Clinicians rely on evidence-based information to make informed decisions about patient care [ 4 , 5 , 6 ]. When access to online resources is restricted, clinicians may struggle to receive current and correct information, thus jeopardising patient safety and the quality of care offered [ 11 , 12 ]. Therefore, we sought to understand how primary care clinicians were addressing their clinical information needs when their work computers were not available to access evidence-based resources online. This study aimed to explore the primary care clinicians’ preferences for, barriers to, and facilitators of information-seeking in clinical practice in Singapore.

A qualitative study consisting of semi-structured face-to-face in-depth interviews was used to explore the primary care clinicians’ preferences for, barriers to, and facilitators of information-seeking in clinical practice in Singapore. The interviews were conducted between August and November 2019 at two polyclinics and two private clinics in Singapore.

The study was approved by the institutional ethics committee (NHG DSRB Reference Number: 2018/01355). All participants read the study information sheet before providing written consent. This study followed the Consolidated Criteria for Reporting Qualitative Research guidelines [ 34 ] [see Additional file 1].

Participants and recruitment

We included primary care doctors and registered nurses from the polyclinics and private primary care practices aged ≥ 21 years who were fluent in English. We employed convenience sampling in this study. Prospective participants were recruited from various polyclinics through personal contacts and advertisements. Five potential participants were contacted but did not respond to the invitation, two potential participants declined participation in this study and one potential participant resigned before the commencement of the study and hence did not participate in the study.

Data collection

The interviews were conducted by a female researcher (MML) in designated private meeting rooms or consultation rooms at various polyclinics or the respective consultation rooms of the private practice. MML was provided with sufficient details, resources, and training on qualitative research before the study commencement. Before the start of the interview, the researcher introduced herself, stated the aim of the interview, explained confidentiality, and obtained informed consent and permission to use a digital voice recorder. The interviewees could pause the interviews due to professional responsibilities at any time. MML conducted the interviews using an interview guide based on a review of the relevant literature and team discussions [ 10 ] [see Additional file 2]. The interview topics included the type of questions during clinical encounters, commonly employed sources of clinical information, frequency and timing of information-seeking, satisfaction with existing information sources, use of CPGs, barriers to information-seeking, and reliability of obtained information. All interview sessions lasted not more than 60 minutes with a mean interview time of 25 minutes and were digitally recorded and transcribed. Field notes were taken during the interviews for further analysis. Data saturation, defined as no new themes arising after three consecutive interviews [ 35 ], was achieved after 20 interviews, therefore we stopped recruitment at 20 participants. Participants were compensated with a SGD25 voucher and a meal upon completion of the interview.

Data analysis

The qualitative data were analysed using Burnard’s method, a structured approach for thematic content analysis established in 1991 [ 36 ]. Burnard's method includes fourteen stages for categorising and coding interview transcripts [ 36 ] [see Additional file 4]. Types of questions were analysed using Ely’s classification [ 37 ]. Burnard's method enhances understanding of the information-seeking behaviour patterns found by Ely's approach by doing a comprehensive evaluation. Ely et al. (2000) developed an approach for categorising clinician queries about patient care [ 37 ]. Clinical questions in primary care were divided into several main categories. For example, the three most common categories of questions based on Ely’s approach were "What is the drug of choice for condition x?", "What is the cause of symptom x?" and "What test is indicated in situation x?" [ 37 ]. Ely et al. (2000) framework was used by the study team to gain a better understanding of clinicians' information needs and to identify the types of questions they had about patient care. It was used mainly to facilitate the study team’s discussion. The study team did not adopt the categories. The analysis was done independently and in parallel by two researchers (MML and LTC). First, the researchers familiarised themselves with the transcripts by reading them multiple times. Second, the initial codes were proposed. Third, the themes were derived from the codes. Fourth, the researchers discussed and combined their themes for comparison. Finally, they reached a consensus on the themes and how to define them. Apart from the initial stages of being acquainted with the transcripts and recommended initial codes, to streamline our codes, related codes were consolidated into more comprehensive headings. This process allows us to organise them more effectively under pertinent subthemes. For example, various information sources that were mentioned by the participants such as evidence-based resources, non-evidence-based resources, and colleagues have all been merged into a subtheme titled "popular information sources" [see Additional file 3]. This process was done iteratively through several rounds. The final list of themes and subthemes was created by removing repeated or similar subthemes. Two other study team members independently created a list of headings without using the first study team member's list. Three lists were discussed and improved to increase validity and reduce researcher bias. Finally, we employed abstraction by developing a basic description of the phenomenon under investigation to establish the final subthemes and themes. Tables 1 and 2 illustrate how these stages were conducted.

Table 1 illustrates that the previous "subtheme" for "rare condition" was "most searched information in clinical practice," but it has been revised to "the type of information needs" to include numerous codes such as pharmacology and others following additional discussion with study team members. A third reviewer HES acted as an arbiter. The coding of transcripts was performed using a word processor. A predetermined classification system was not employed since there was insufficient research to inform the clinicians' perceptions of information-seeking behaviour in Singapore. In particular, the dynamic identification of themes from data was facilitated using an inductive approach. Burnard's method was applied inductively to establish categories and abstraction through open coding illustrated in Tables 1 and 2 . No single method of analysis is appropriate for every type of interview data [ 36 ]. Burnard’s method focuses on a systematic approach to thematic content analysis, which can improve qualitative research objectivity and transparency [ 36 ]. As descriptive studies can investigate perceived barriers to and facilitators of adopting new behaviours [ 38 ], a more descriptive set of themes was appropriate for the study's objectives, and it is consistent with Burnard's method [ 36 ].

A total of 20 clinicians were recruited. Eight doctors and 10 nurses were working in the polyclinics. All nurses and three doctors who participated in this study were females. The demographics of the clinicians is represented in Table  3 . Demographics of clinicians ( N  = 20).

Thematic analysis

Three distinct themes were derived from the analysis of the interview data, 1) the choice of information sources, 2) accessing information sources, and 3) the role of evidence in information-seeking [see Additional file 3]. This is represented in Fig.  1 . Themes and subthemes derived from the interviews.

figure 1

Themes and subthemes derived from the interviews

1) The choice of information sources

Is a theme that encompasses different sources clinicians in our study used to seek and gather information. Clinicians' preferred choice of information sources in five subthemes: popular information sources, CPGs as an information source, internet as an information source, peers as an information source and accessing online information using smartphones

Popular information sources

Clinicians mentioned that their first choice point-of-care evidence-based online sources were UpToDate®, an evidence-based resource that helps clinicians make decisions and informs their practice [ 39 ], CPGs and the Monthly Index of Medical Specialties, followed by PubMed (Medline) and continuing medication education sources. A non-evidence-based information source, the Google search engine was commonly mentioned as well. Lastly, clinicians often mentioned consulting their colleagues:

“I will Google, look for images and compare…I tell them that I’m looking because I am not sure, and I want to just confirm…sometimes even show them the photo on my phone, to ensure…what they saw, the rash…might have already disappeared is…what I suspect it is.” Doctor02.
“I commonly I would search…this app that I have on my phone is called UpToDate®, right…because it’s the most easiest…easily accessible source of information…I’ll just type the whole lot into…the Lexicomp component of the UpToDate® and then from there it tells me whether the drugs have interactions, what kind of interactions.” Doctor07.

CPGs as an information source

 Clinicians mentioned that CPGs did not apply to all patients. Doctors described CPGs as evidence-based resources, designed to be safe and most relevant to practice as a baseline reference. Doctors considered CPGs lengthy at times and there was a need to apply clinical discretion when using them. Doctors also mentioned that CPGs focused sometimes on cost-effectiveness instead of the quality of care:

“I think they are useful in summarising the latest evidence and what…is recommended, especially if they are local clinical practice guidelines, then it’s tailored to our own population…And keeping in mind perhaps the cost sensitivities, cost effectiveness” Doctor02.

Nurses said that they saw CPGs as a standard of practice for clinicians and an easy resource to refer to. However, some nurses said that they found CPGs difficult to access and outdated:

“…but it’s not so…easy to access…because you have to…enter certain keywords, and sometimes it’s not that keyword that’s going to churn out all the information you see…like, try a few times…want to make sure that…I’m doing things correctly…following the guidelines…just quickly…log into the intranet and…search for the information.” Nurse01.

If nurses had difficulty accessing CPGs, they said that they tended to seek doctors’ opinion:

“It’s very informative. It’s quite clear, easy to refer to…in certain special cases…not stated in the book, we will still have to seek…doctor’s opinion” Nurse07.

Internet as an information source

Clinicians mentioned that the internet provided access to clinical information for practice. However, clinicians mentioned that it was important to ensure that the information was well-grounded and dependable:

“…some…information might not be…so trustworthy…takes…a little additional filtering process before…I can say this is a reliable source or not…some of the websites…more opinion-based…very high…chance of bias…the reference from that writing…written at the bottom where I can do…cross-checking…I think the credibility…for this…article written is slightly higher.” Doctor01.
“If only you have an internet, you can always show it to the patient also. For example, when I search for some information, I can even help in patient education…for now, I feel it is a bit harder…And then I have to rely on my phone to use the UpToDate®.” Doctor03.

Peers as an information source

Clinicians mentioned approaching peers who were available to seek a second opinion on their clinical questions. They also mentioned that they tended to approach experts:

“…it’s really a case-to-case basis and it depends if the colleagues around…Also it depends on the proximity of the colleague. If the colleague knows a lot but…busy in another room on another level then I might approach next door colleagues instead.” Doctor06. “I think most of time, if we are going to get our information immediately, we’ll call one of our colleagues here…discuss the case…we’ll come to a consensus, what will be the best for our kind of patient…contribute to the informed decision immediately.” Doctor01.

Accessing online information using smartphones

Clinicians mentioned that their smartphones were convenient for accessing information for practice. For instance, accessing the UpToDate® app and Google search engine using smartphones:

“…commonly I would search…this app that I have on my phone is called UpToDate®…because it’s the most easiest…easily accessible source of information…I’ll just type the whole lot into…the Lexicomp component of…UpToDate® and then from there it tells me whether the drugs have interactions.” Doctor07.
“I will go on the internet…if I needed information about…certain medical conditions…Just definitions, just to have an idea of, you know… Correct, pure Google.” Nurse01.

2) Accessing information sources

Is a theme that encompasses different aspects of information-seeking and access by clinicians in our study. Factors influencing clinicians’ utilisation of information sources in five subthemes: type of information needs, the timing and frequency of information needs, the timing and frequency of using CPGs, information-seeking facilitators and information-seeking barriers.

The type of information needs

Clinicians mentioned that they commonly sought information on less common health areas such as unusual skin rashes, rare diseases, paediatrics, women’s health, medications, and at times concerning all clinical areas:

“Drug information…maybe dosing and everything…when we are prescribing for paediatric…we also see female patients who are pregnant…Lactating, and all… contraindicated” Doctor03.
“Other ones that I would search for would be if the patient comes in with very…unusual presentations.” Doctor07.

The timing and frequency of information needs

Clinicians explained that they commonly seek clinical information daily or several times a week. They said that they either seek information at the point-of-care or at home:

“I will look at least weekly once…It’s of my own interest…Not during working times, most of the time…When we are travelling, in MRT…Sometimes at home also.” Nurse10.
“Not so many cases…It’s quite rare, actually…Because most of our cases are quite common…we still can deal with…Yes…Maybe once a few weeks…Once a month…When I have concerns or any doubts…After patient left…yes. Maybe, sometimes…And after the doctors consult.” Nurse05.

The timing and frequency of using CPGs

Clinicians said that they commonly use CPGs daily or when there was a change or update to the CPGs:

“…day to day, because all these guidelines I’m familiar with, it’s in my memory…internally we do have guidelines for certain acute conditions.” Doctor02.

Clinicians discussed convenience, easy access, the trustworthiness of information, having colleagues who are specialists, and being keen to keep up-to-date as the facilitators to seeking clinical information:

Information-seeking facilitators

“I find…clinical practice guidelines quite useful…since it’s on our terminal. I do open that up to look at it…it does give us quite a convenient and no fuss way to be able to access them on our terminal while we are seeking information whether during or even after consults.” Doctor06.
“work instructions…Policies and protocols…Intranet…So I just want to make sure that…I’m doing things correctly, that I’m, you know, following the guidelines. So I’ll just quickly enter, you know, log into the intranet and just search for the information…The information that’s on the intranet has, you know, been validated by an expert, you know…So that’s why I rely heavily on it.” Nurse01.

Information-seeking barriers

Clinicians mentioned that internet surfing separation, the lack of time, limited access to medical literature databases, and limited search function in the organisation’s server were barriers to seeking clinical information:

“The information I know is there…But it’s not so easy to search for…Not user-friendly, not very exhaustive…Sometimes you just have to…trial-and-error…different keywords.” Nurse01.

Additionally, clinicians frequently mentioned using smartphones to access clinical information. Consequently, doctors said that they were worried that using smartphones during a clinical consultation might make them seem unprofessional to patients:

“I need to explain to the patient that…I am using my phone because I don’t have internet access or may appear rude to the patient; I am surfing my phone in the middle of the consult.” Doctor02.

Doctors reported that they were also concerned about their privacy when they showed their smartphones to their patients:

“…sometimes…you don’t want to show your phone to them(patients) also…Because sometimes you may have other notifications.” Doctor05.

3) The role of evidence in information-seeking

Is a theme that explores the role of evidence in clinicians' information-seeking in our study. The value of scientific research for clinicians seeking information in two subthemes: the importance of trustworthy information sources and employing evidence-based information sources.

The importance of trustworthy information sources

Clinicians agreed that peer-reviewed clinical information was reliable. Additionally, doctors expressed trust in clinical information if there were frequent updates of the content:

“…they(UpToDate®) do put…the date of which they have updated the articles…it’s from multiple sources…citations and…management…seems quite sound.” Doctor06.
“The information that’s on the intranet has…been validated by an expert.” Nurse01.

Employing evidence-based information sources

Clinicians mentioned that emphasising the importance of evidence in patient care and building an evidence-based culture in the workplace helps to encourage the use of evidence-based information sources in practice.

“I don’t have any concrete kind of suggestions now but…perhaps find some ways to sustain interest…to remind us that we’re doing this for best of patients.” Doctor06.
“If I have discussions with my peers regarding cases then I will, like, refer back to the…to…the CPG and things like that…I think the conference…or the…forums they are also a very good source of information.” Nurse03.

To our knowledge, this is the first study conducted in Singapore to investigate the primary care clinicians’ preferences for, barriers to, and facilitators of information-seeking in clinical practice. Clinicians’ mostly researched information on conditions such as unusual skin rashes, rare diseases, paediatrics, and women's health. Most clinicians searched clinical information at the point-of-care daily for a variety of reasons, including personal interest, clarification of doubts, or self-improvement. Sources of information included CPGs, online evidence-based resources, the internet, peers, and smartphones. Although CPGs were clinicians' preferred sources of information, they did not refer to them regularly and only did so in memory or when the guidelines were updated. We also found that using smartphones for seeking clinical information was commonly reported among clinicians. The barriers to primary care clinicians’ information-seeking process were the lack of time, internet surfing separation of work computers, limited search function of their organisation’s server, and limited access to medical literature databases. The facilitators to primary care clinicians’ information-seeking process were convenience, ease of access, and the trustworthiness of the information sources.

Like other studies [ 3 , 8 , 20 , 40 , 41 ], we found that the choice of information sources was affected by the trustworthiness and availability of resources. CPGs were preferred among clinicians as they were written by experts or specialists in their field. However, some clinicians felt that CPGs were too lengthy to be used at the point-of-care, outdated, and difficult to locate on their organisation's server. Additionally, clinicians only referred to CPGs recalled from memory or when they were updated. This highlights the importance of providing an alternative evidence-based clinical resource that is succinct and easy to refer to at the point-of-care [ 42 ]. Using medical apps for the provision of point-of-care summaries may mitigate the challenges of using CPGs for clinical information. Correspondingly, clinicians in the polyclinics commonly referred to the UpToDate® app provided by their organisation as a point-of-care resource they could use on their smartphones. Evidence-based point-of-care resources are commonly presented in key point summaries, follow formal categorisation of medical conditions, and provide references [ 43 ]. Limited research has shown that it was beneficial to integrate UpToDate® searches into daily clinical practice [ 42 ]. Additionally, the American Accreditation Commission International's @TRUST programme is one framework designed to encourage trustworthy online content. It is an invaluable resource for both individuals looking for health information online and organisations attempting to deliver trustworthy content [ 44 ]. However, continual efforts are required to encourage its use and ensure that individuals have access to accurate and reliable health information online. Therefore, future studies should investigate the quality of existing medical apps in providing point-of-care summaries and the effects of their use in the primary care setting.

We also found that clinicians were seeking clinical information on their smartphones. This is not surprising as Singapore’s public healthcare institutions enforce internet surfing separation on work computers. Furthermore, with the high penetration of smartphones in Singapore [ 45 ], these devices became the next best alternative for clinicians to seek online clinical information. Clinicians in the polyclinics frequently cited using UpToDate® app and the Google search engine on their smartphones. Similar to another study [ 46 ], we found that doctors often used Google images on their smartphones to identify less common rashes. Additionally, our study found that clinicians use Google images to educate patients. However, clinicians in the polyclinic reported privacy and professionalism concerns as barriers to using smartphones for clinical consultations. These findings were consistent with a systematic review assessing the challenges and opportunities of using mobile devices by healthcare professionals [ 47 ]. Despite the internet surfing separation in public healthcare institutions in Singapore and the availability various information sources, we found similar barriers to clinicians seeking clinical information with other studies [ 3 , 20 , 48 ]. Future research may focus on addressing specific barriers to using various mobile devices by primary care clinicians at the point-of-care.

Finally, smartphones may be an important information-seeking channel for healthcare professionals, and the hospital or government may be forced to establish legislation to protect healthcare professionals who use smartphones in clinical practice. Compliance with legislation governing smartphone use at work may be examined during the evaluation process for healthcare professionals. Guidelines on smartphone use among healthcare professionals can be tailored to individual conditions, such as patients' permission to share medically sensitive information via text. As a result, guidelines could be based on best practice claims and common actionable statements. Additionally, this study suggests that clinicians have, for the most part, been left to navigate information access on their responsibility, which may not be the most effective. Developing a more robust culture of evidence-based medicine within the organisation is essential and ought to be explicitly promoted moving forward. It could be beneficial for clinicians to receive organised training on effective information-seeking strategies and resources.

Our study has several strengths and limitations. Our strength is that we employed an in-depth interview approach and an open-ended style of questioning. The interactive nature of our interviews provided richer context and room for free responses from the interviewees. We were then able to critically scrutinise the conversations and provide insights that were helpful in the final analysis of themes.

There are several limitations. Firstly, we did not explore the influence of gender and age in the participants’ information-seeking behaviour, which has been demonstrated in other research in this area [ 14 ]. Secondly, the study was limited by environmental factors in the workplace, such as internet and information access. Finally, there may be possible social desirability bias, whereby the participants may have presented responses that were more socially appropriate than their actual thoughts on the issues explored during the interviews.

We found that clinicians frequently sought answers to clinical queries arising from patient care. However, the choice of information sources was influenced by the trustworthiness and availability of the resources. Clinicians in the polyclinic commonly reported using their smartphones for practice. Using UpToDate® app and Google search engine was commonly cited as their preferred clinical information sources due to its convenience and accessibility. While our findings may have been reported in other contexts, there are significant and novel elements when compared to healthcare around the world. For example, the implementation of internet surfing separation in public healthcare institutions raises concerns regarding clinicians' usage of smartphones, as well as their privacy and professionalism. This may lead us to examine the need for some regulation and training on the use of smartphones among clinicians, as well as the necessity to investigate this further from the patient's perspective. Future studies to improve access to evidence-based clinical information sources other than CPGs should be explored to address the information needs of primary care clinicians. Studies examining trustworthiness and effectiveness of using app-based point-of-care information summaries and exploring the impact of using mobile devices for information-seeking by clinicians at the point-of-care will also be useful to address the information-seeking needs of primary care clinicians. Furthermore, Large Language Model (LLM)-based artificial intelligence (AI) systems, such as ChatGPT, are increasingly being developed and used. They are used in various disciplines, including healthcare. Some, such as AMIE (Articulate Medical Intelligence Explorer) and Pathways Language Model (Med-PaLM 2), have been developed specifically for healthcare [ 49 , 50 , 51 ]. More research into the usage of AI among clinicians is needed to assure trust, dependability, and ethical conduct.

Availability of data and materials

The datasets generated and/or analysed during the current study are not publicly available due the fact that all data obtained during the course of this study is strictly confidential and will be kept by the study team at the end of the study for at least 6 years and disposed of according to the Personal Data Protection Act in Singapore. Data are however available from Associate Professor Tang Wern Ee (co-author) upon reasonable request and with permission of the ethics committee of National Healthcare Group Domain Specific Review Board (the central ethics committee).

Abbreviations

General Practitioner

Clinical practice guidelines

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This study is funded by Seedcorn Grant Centre for Primary Health Care Research and Innovation, a joint Lee Kong Chian School of Medicine, and the National Healthcare Group Polyclinics Initiative.

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Lorainne Tudor Car conceived the idea for this study. Tang Wern Ee contributed to the design of the work and the acquisition of the data. Mauricette Lee collected the data, analysed it and wrote the manuscript with support from Tang Wern Ee, Helen Smith, and Lorainne Tudor Car. Lorainne Tudor Car and Tang Wern Ee supervised the project.

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Lee, M.M., Tang, W.E., Smith, H.E. et al. Identifying primary care clinicians’ preferences for, barriers to, and facilitators of information-seeking in clinical practice in Singapore: a qualitative study. BMC Prim. Care 25 , 172 (2024). https://doi.org/10.1186/s12875-024-02429-x

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Qualitative Research: Data Collection, Analysis, and Management

Introduction.

In an earlier paper, 1 we presented an introduction to using qualitative research methods in pharmacy practice. In this article, we review some principles of the collection, analysis, and management of qualitative data to help pharmacists interested in doing research in their practice to continue their learning in this area. Qualitative research can help researchers to access the thoughts and feelings of research participants, which can enable development of an understanding of the meaning that people ascribe to their experiences. Whereas quantitative research methods can be used to determine how many people undertake particular behaviours, qualitative methods can help researchers to understand how and why such behaviours take place. Within the context of pharmacy practice research, qualitative approaches have been used to examine a diverse array of topics, including the perceptions of key stakeholders regarding prescribing by pharmacists and the postgraduation employment experiences of young pharmacists (see “Further Reading” section at the end of this article).

In the previous paper, 1 we outlined 3 commonly used methodologies: ethnography 2 , grounded theory 3 , and phenomenology. 4 Briefly, ethnography involves researchers using direct observation to study participants in their “real life” environment, sometimes over extended periods. Grounded theory and its later modified versions (e.g., Strauss and Corbin 5 ) use face-to-face interviews and interactions such as focus groups to explore a particular research phenomenon and may help in clarifying a less-well-understood problem, situation, or context. Phenomenology shares some features with grounded theory (such as an exploration of participants’ behaviour) and uses similar techniques to collect data, but it focuses on understanding how human beings experience their world. It gives researchers the opportunity to put themselves in another person’s shoes and to understand the subjective experiences of participants. 6 Some researchers use qualitative methodologies but adopt a different standpoint, and an example of this appears in the work of Thurston and others, 7 discussed later in this paper.

Qualitative work requires reflection on the part of researchers, both before and during the research process, as a way of providing context and understanding for readers. When being reflexive, researchers should not try to simply ignore or avoid their own biases (as this would likely be impossible); instead, reflexivity requires researchers to reflect upon and clearly articulate their position and subjectivities (world view, perspectives, biases), so that readers can better understand the filters through which questions were asked, data were gathered and analyzed, and findings were reported. From this perspective, bias and subjectivity are not inherently negative but they are unavoidable; as a result, it is best that they be articulated up-front in a manner that is clear and coherent for readers.

THE PARTICIPANT’S VIEWPOINT

What qualitative study seeks to convey is why people have thoughts and feelings that might affect the way they behave. Such study may occur in any number of contexts, but here, we focus on pharmacy practice and the way people behave with regard to medicines use (e.g., to understand patients’ reasons for nonadherence with medication therapy or to explore physicians’ resistance to pharmacists’ clinical suggestions). As we suggested in our earlier article, 1 an important point about qualitative research is that there is no attempt to generalize the findings to a wider population. Qualitative research is used to gain insights into people’s feelings and thoughts, which may provide the basis for a future stand-alone qualitative study or may help researchers to map out survey instruments for use in a quantitative study. It is also possible to use different types of research in the same study, an approach known as “mixed methods” research, and further reading on this topic may be found at the end of this paper.

The role of the researcher in qualitative research is to attempt to access the thoughts and feelings of study participants. This is not an easy task, as it involves asking people to talk about things that may be very personal to them. Sometimes the experiences being explored are fresh in the participant’s mind, whereas on other occasions reliving past experiences may be difficult. However the data are being collected, a primary responsibility of the researcher is to safeguard participants and their data. Mechanisms for such safeguarding must be clearly articulated to participants and must be approved by a relevant research ethics review board before the research begins. Researchers and practitioners new to qualitative research should seek advice from an experienced qualitative researcher before embarking on their project.

DATA COLLECTION

Whatever philosophical standpoint the researcher is taking and whatever the data collection method (e.g., focus group, one-to-one interviews), the process will involve the generation of large amounts of data. In addition to the variety of study methodologies available, there are also different ways of making a record of what is said and done during an interview or focus group, such as taking handwritten notes or video-recording. If the researcher is audio- or video-recording data collection, then the recordings must be transcribed verbatim before data analysis can begin. As a rough guide, it can take an experienced researcher/transcriber 8 hours to transcribe one 45-minute audio-recorded interview, a process than will generate 20–30 pages of written dialogue.

Many researchers will also maintain a folder of “field notes” to complement audio-taped interviews. Field notes allow the researcher to maintain and comment upon impressions, environmental contexts, behaviours, and nonverbal cues that may not be adequately captured through the audio-recording; they are typically handwritten in a small notebook at the same time the interview takes place. Field notes can provide important context to the interpretation of audio-taped data and can help remind the researcher of situational factors that may be important during data analysis. Such notes need not be formal, but they should be maintained and secured in a similar manner to audio tapes and transcripts, as they contain sensitive information and are relevant to the research. For more information about collecting qualitative data, please see the “Further Reading” section at the end of this paper.

DATA ANALYSIS AND MANAGEMENT

If, as suggested earlier, doing qualitative research is about putting oneself in another person’s shoes and seeing the world from that person’s perspective, the most important part of data analysis and management is to be true to the participants. It is their voices that the researcher is trying to hear, so that they can be interpreted and reported on for others to read and learn from. To illustrate this point, consider the anonymized transcript excerpt presented in Appendix 1 , which is taken from a research interview conducted by one of the authors (J.S.). We refer to this excerpt throughout the remainder of this paper to illustrate how data can be managed, analyzed, and presented.

Interpretation of Data

Interpretation of the data will depend on the theoretical standpoint taken by researchers. For example, the title of the research report by Thurston and others, 7 “Discordant indigenous and provider frames explain challenges in improving access to arthritis care: a qualitative study using constructivist grounded theory,” indicates at least 2 theoretical standpoints. The first is the culture of the indigenous population of Canada and the place of this population in society, and the second is the social constructivist theory used in the constructivist grounded theory method. With regard to the first standpoint, it can be surmised that, to have decided to conduct the research, the researchers must have felt that there was anecdotal evidence of differences in access to arthritis care for patients from indigenous and non-indigenous backgrounds. With regard to the second standpoint, it can be surmised that the researchers used social constructivist theory because it assumes that behaviour is socially constructed; in other words, people do things because of the expectations of those in their personal world or in the wider society in which they live. (Please see the “Further Reading” section for resources providing more information about social constructivist theory and reflexivity.) Thus, these 2 standpoints (and there may have been others relevant to the research of Thurston and others 7 ) will have affected the way in which these researchers interpreted the experiences of the indigenous population participants and those providing their care. Another standpoint is feminist standpoint theory which, among other things, focuses on marginalized groups in society. Such theories are helpful to researchers, as they enable us to think about things from a different perspective. Being aware of the standpoints you are taking in your own research is one of the foundations of qualitative work. Without such awareness, it is easy to slip into interpreting other people’s narratives from your own viewpoint, rather than that of the participants.

To analyze the example in Appendix 1 , we will adopt a phenomenological approach because we want to understand how the participant experienced the illness and we want to try to see the experience from that person’s perspective. It is important for the researcher to reflect upon and articulate his or her starting point for such analysis; for example, in the example, the coder could reflect upon her own experience as a female of a majority ethnocultural group who has lived within middle class and upper middle class settings. This personal history therefore forms the filter through which the data will be examined. This filter does not diminish the quality or significance of the analysis, since every researcher has his or her own filters; however, by explicitly stating and acknowledging what these filters are, the researcher makes it easer for readers to contextualize the work.

Transcribing and Checking

For the purposes of this paper it is assumed that interviews or focus groups have been audio-recorded. As mentioned above, transcribing is an arduous process, even for the most experienced transcribers, but it must be done to convert the spoken word to the written word to facilitate analysis. For anyone new to conducting qualitative research, it is beneficial to transcribe at least one interview and one focus group. It is only by doing this that researchers realize how difficult the task is, and this realization affects their expectations when asking others to transcribe. If the research project has sufficient funding, then a professional transcriber can be hired to do the work. If this is the case, then it is a good idea to sit down with the transcriber, if possible, and talk through the research and what the participants were talking about. This background knowledge for the transcriber is especially important in research in which people are using jargon or medical terms (as in pharmacy practice). Involving your transcriber in this way makes the work both easier and more rewarding, as he or she will feel part of the team. Transcription editing software is also available, but it is expensive. For example, ELAN (more formally known as EUDICO Linguistic Annotator, developed at the Technical University of Berlin) 8 is a tool that can help keep data organized by linking media and data files (particularly valuable if, for example, video-taping of interviews is complemented by transcriptions). It can also be helpful in searching complex data sets. Products such as ELAN do not actually automatically transcribe interviews or complete analyses, and they do require some time and effort to learn; nonetheless, for some research applications, it may be a valuable to consider such software tools.

All audio recordings should be transcribed verbatim, regardless of how intelligible the transcript may be when it is read back. Lines of text should be numbered. Once the transcription is complete, the researcher should read it while listening to the recording and do the following: correct any spelling or other errors; anonymize the transcript so that the participant cannot be identified from anything that is said (e.g., names, places, significant events); insert notations for pauses, laughter, looks of discomfort; insert any punctuation, such as commas and full stops (periods) (see Appendix 1 for examples of inserted punctuation), and include any other contextual information that might have affected the participant (e.g., temperature or comfort of the room).

Dealing with the transcription of a focus group is slightly more difficult, as multiple voices are involved. One way of transcribing such data is to “tag” each voice (e.g., Voice A, Voice B). In addition, the focus group will usually have 2 facilitators, whose respective roles will help in making sense of the data. While one facilitator guides participants through the topic, the other can make notes about context and group dynamics. More information about group dynamics and focus groups can be found in resources listed in the “Further Reading” section.

Reading between the Lines

During the process outlined above, the researcher can begin to get a feel for the participant’s experience of the phenomenon in question and can start to think about things that could be pursued in subsequent interviews or focus groups (if appropriate). In this way, one participant’s narrative informs the next, and the researcher can continue to interview until nothing new is being heard or, as it says in the text books, “saturation is reached”. While continuing with the processes of coding and theming (described in the next 2 sections), it is important to consider not just what the person is saying but also what they are not saying. For example, is a lengthy pause an indication that the participant is finding the subject difficult, or is the person simply deciding what to say? The aim of the whole process from data collection to presentation is to tell the participants’ stories using exemplars from their own narratives, thus grounding the research findings in the participants’ lived experiences.

Smith 9 suggested a qualitative research method known as interpretative phenomenological analysis, which has 2 basic tenets: first, that it is rooted in phenomenology, attempting to understand the meaning that individuals ascribe to their lived experiences, and second, that the researcher must attempt to interpret this meaning in the context of the research. That the researcher has some knowledge and expertise in the subject of the research means that he or she can have considerable scope in interpreting the participant’s experiences. Larkin and others 10 discussed the importance of not just providing a description of what participants say. Rather, interpretative phenomenological analysis is about getting underneath what a person is saying to try to truly understand the world from his or her perspective.

Once all of the research interviews have been transcribed and checked, it is time to begin coding. Field notes compiled during an interview can be a useful complementary source of information to facilitate this process, as the gap in time between an interview, transcribing, and coding can result in memory bias regarding nonverbal or environmental context issues that may affect interpretation of data.

Coding refers to the identification of topics, issues, similarities, and differences that are revealed through the participants’ narratives and interpreted by the researcher. This process enables the researcher to begin to understand the world from each participant’s perspective. Coding can be done by hand on a hard copy of the transcript, by making notes in the margin or by highlighting and naming sections of text. More commonly, researchers use qualitative research software (e.g., NVivo, QSR International Pty Ltd; www.qsrinternational.com/products_nvivo.aspx ) to help manage their transcriptions. It is advised that researchers undertake a formal course in the use of such software or seek supervision from a researcher experienced in these tools.

Returning to Appendix 1 and reading from lines 8–11, a code for this section might be “diagnosis of mental health condition”, but this would just be a description of what the participant is talking about at that point. If we read a little more deeply, we can ask ourselves how the participant might have come to feel that the doctor assumed he or she was aware of the diagnosis or indeed that they had only just been told the diagnosis. There are a number of pauses in the narrative that might suggest the participant is finding it difficult to recall that experience. Later in the text, the participant says “nobody asked me any questions about my life” (line 19). This could be coded simply as “health care professionals’ consultation skills”, but that would not reflect how the participant must have felt never to be asked anything about his or her personal life, about the participant as a human being. At the end of this excerpt, the participant just trails off, recalling that no-one showed any interest, which makes for very moving reading. For practitioners in pharmacy, it might also be pertinent to explore the participant’s experience of akathisia and why this was left untreated for 20 years.

One of the questions that arises about qualitative research relates to the reliability of the interpretation and representation of the participants’ narratives. There are no statistical tests that can be used to check reliability and validity as there are in quantitative research. However, work by Lincoln and Guba 11 suggests that there are other ways to “establish confidence in the ‘truth’ of the findings” (p. 218). They call this confidence “trustworthiness” and suggest that there are 4 criteria of trustworthiness: credibility (confidence in the “truth” of the findings), transferability (showing that the findings have applicability in other contexts), dependability (showing that the findings are consistent and could be repeated), and confirmability (the extent to which the findings of a study are shaped by the respondents and not researcher bias, motivation, or interest).

One way of establishing the “credibility” of the coding is to ask another researcher to code the same transcript and then to discuss any similarities and differences in the 2 resulting sets of codes. This simple act can result in revisions to the codes and can help to clarify and confirm the research findings.

Theming refers to the drawing together of codes from one or more transcripts to present the findings of qualitative research in a coherent and meaningful way. For example, there may be examples across participants’ narratives of the way in which they were treated in hospital, such as “not being listened to” or “lack of interest in personal experiences” (see Appendix 1 ). These may be drawn together as a theme running through the narratives that could be named “the patient’s experience of hospital care”. The importance of going through this process is that at its conclusion, it will be possible to present the data from the interviews using quotations from the individual transcripts to illustrate the source of the researchers’ interpretations. Thus, when the findings are organized for presentation, each theme can become the heading of a section in the report or presentation. Underneath each theme will be the codes, examples from the transcripts, and the researcher’s own interpretation of what the themes mean. Implications for real life (e.g., the treatment of people with chronic mental health problems) should also be given.

DATA SYNTHESIS

In this final section of this paper, we describe some ways of drawing together or “synthesizing” research findings to represent, as faithfully as possible, the meaning that participants ascribe to their life experiences. This synthesis is the aim of the final stage of qualitative research. For most readers, the synthesis of data presented by the researcher is of crucial significance—this is usually where “the story” of the participants can be distilled, summarized, and told in a manner that is both respectful to those participants and meaningful to readers. There are a number of ways in which researchers can synthesize and present their findings, but any conclusions drawn by the researchers must be supported by direct quotations from the participants. In this way, it is made clear to the reader that the themes under discussion have emerged from the participants’ interviews and not the mind of the researcher. The work of Latif and others 12 gives an example of how qualitative research findings might be presented.

Planning and Writing the Report

As has been suggested above, if researchers code and theme their material appropriately, they will naturally find the headings for sections of their report. Qualitative researchers tend to report “findings” rather than “results”, as the latter term typically implies that the data have come from a quantitative source. The final presentation of the research will usually be in the form of a report or a paper and so should follow accepted academic guidelines. In particular, the article should begin with an introduction, including a literature review and rationale for the research. There should be a section on the chosen methodology and a brief discussion about why qualitative methodology was most appropriate for the study question and why one particular methodology (e.g., interpretative phenomenological analysis rather than grounded theory) was selected to guide the research. The method itself should then be described, including ethics approval, choice of participants, mode of recruitment, and method of data collection (e.g., semistructured interviews or focus groups), followed by the research findings, which will be the main body of the report or paper. The findings should be written as if a story is being told; as such, it is not necessary to have a lengthy discussion section at the end. This is because much of the discussion will take place around the participants’ quotes, such that all that is needed to close the report or paper is a summary, limitations of the research, and the implications that the research has for practice. As stated earlier, it is not the intention of qualitative research to allow the findings to be generalized, and therefore this is not, in itself, a limitation.

Planning out the way that findings are to be presented is helpful. It is useful to insert the headings of the sections (the themes) and then make a note of the codes that exemplify the thoughts and feelings of your participants. It is generally advisable to put in the quotations that you want to use for each theme, using each quotation only once. After all this is done, the telling of the story can begin as you give your voice to the experiences of the participants, writing around their quotations. Do not be afraid to draw assumptions from the participants’ narratives, as this is necessary to give an in-depth account of the phenomena in question. Discuss these assumptions, drawing on your participants’ words to support you as you move from one code to another and from one theme to the next. Finally, as appropriate, it is possible to include examples from literature or policy documents that add support for your findings. As an exercise, you may wish to code and theme the sample excerpt in Appendix 1 and tell the participant’s story in your own way. Further reading about “doing” qualitative research can be found at the end of this paper.

CONCLUSIONS

Qualitative research can help researchers to access the thoughts and feelings of research participants, which can enable development of an understanding of the meaning that people ascribe to their experiences. It can be used in pharmacy practice research to explore how patients feel about their health and their treatment. Qualitative research has been used by pharmacists to explore a variety of questions and problems (see the “Further Reading” section for examples). An understanding of these issues can help pharmacists and other health care professionals to tailor health care to match the individual needs of patients and to develop a concordant relationship. Doing qualitative research is not easy and may require a complete rethink of how research is conducted, particularly for researchers who are more familiar with quantitative approaches. There are many ways of conducting qualitative research, and this paper has covered some of the practical issues regarding data collection, analysis, and management. Further reading around the subject will be essential to truly understand this method of accessing peoples’ thoughts and feelings to enable researchers to tell participants’ stories.

Appendix 1. Excerpt from a sample transcript

The participant (age late 50s) had suffered from a chronic mental health illness for 30 years. The participant had become a “revolving door patient,” someone who is frequently in and out of hospital. As the participant talked about past experiences, the researcher asked:

  • What was treatment like 30 years ago?
  • Umm—well it was pretty much they could do what they wanted with you because I was put into the er, the er kind of system er, I was just on
  • endless section threes.
  • Really…
  • But what I didn’t realize until later was that if you haven’t actually posed a threat to someone or yourself they can’t really do that but I didn’t know
  • that. So wh-when I first went into hospital they put me on the forensic ward ’cause they said, “We don’t think you’ll stay here we think you’ll just
  • run-run away.” So they put me then onto the acute admissions ward and – er – I can remember one of the first things I recall when I got onto that
  • ward was sitting down with a er a Dr XXX. He had a book this thick [gestures] and on each page it was like three questions and he went through
  • all these questions and I answered all these questions. So we’re there for I don’t maybe two hours doing all that and he asked me he said “well
  • when did somebody tell you then that you have schizophrenia” I said “well nobody’s told me that” so he seemed very surprised but nobody had
  • actually [pause] whe-when I first went up there under police escort erm the senior kind of consultants people I’d been to where I was staying and
  • ermm so er [pause] I . . . the, I can remember the very first night that I was there and given this injection in this muscle here [gestures] and just
  • having dreadful side effects the next day I woke up [pause]
  • . . . and I suffered that akathesia I swear to you, every minute of every day for about 20 years.
  • Oh how awful.
  • And that side of it just makes life impossible so the care on the wards [pause] umm I don’t know it’s kind of, it’s kind of hard to put into words
  • [pause]. Because I’m not saying they were sort of like not friendly or interested but then nobody ever seemed to want to talk about your life [pause]
  • nobody asked me any questions about my life. The only questions that came into was they asked me if I’d be a volunteer for these student exams
  • and things and I said “yeah” so all the questions were like “oh what jobs have you done,” er about your relationships and things and er but
  • nobody actually sat down and had a talk and showed some interest in you as a person you were just there basically [pause] um labelled and you
  • know there was there was [pause] but umm [pause] yeah . . .

This article is the 10th in the CJHP Research Primer Series, an initiative of the CJHP Editorial Board and the CSHP Research Committee. The planned 2-year series is intended to appeal to relatively inexperienced researchers, with the goal of building research capacity among practising pharmacists. The articles, presenting simple but rigorous guidance to encourage and support novice researchers, are being solicited from authors with appropriate expertise.

Previous articles in this series:

Bond CM. The research jigsaw: how to get started. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(1):28–30.

Tully MP. Research: articulating questions, generating hypotheses, and choosing study designs. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(1):31–4.

Loewen P. Ethical issues in pharmacy practice research: an introductory guide. Can J Hosp Pharm. 2014;67(2):133–7.

Tsuyuki RT. Designing pharmacy practice research trials. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(3):226–9.

Bresee LC. An introduction to developing surveys for pharmacy practice research. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(4):286–91.

Gamble JM. An introduction to the fundamentals of cohort and case–control studies. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(5):366–72.

Austin Z, Sutton J. Qualitative research: getting started. C an J Hosp Pharm . 2014;67(6):436–40.

Houle S. An introduction to the fundamentals of randomized controlled trials in pharmacy research. Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014; 68(1):28–32.

Charrois TL. Systematic reviews: What do you need to know to get started? Can J Hosp Pharm . 2014;68(2):144–8.

Competing interests: None declared.

Further Reading

Examples of qualitative research in pharmacy practice.

  • Farrell B, Pottie K, Woodend K, Yao V, Dolovich L, Kennie N, et al. Shifts in expectations: evaluating physicians’ perceptions as pharmacists integrated into family practice. J Interprof Care. 2010; 24 (1):80–9. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
  • Gregory P, Austin Z. Postgraduation employment experiences of new pharmacists in Ontario in 2012–2013. Can Pharm J. 2014; 147 (5):290–9. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
  • Marks PZ, Jennnings B, Farrell B, Kennie-Kaulbach N, Jorgenson D, Pearson-Sharpe J, et al. “I gained a skill and a change in attitude”: a case study describing how an online continuing professional education course for pharmacists supported achievement of its transfer to practice outcomes. Can J Univ Contin Educ. 2014; 40 (2):1–18. [ Google Scholar ]
  • Nair KM, Dolovich L, Brazil K, Raina P. It’s all about relationships: a qualitative study of health researchers’ perspectives on interdisciplinary research. BMC Health Serv Res. 2008; 8 :110. [ PMC free article ] [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]
  • Pojskic N, MacKeigan L, Boon H, Austin Z. Initial perceptions of key stakeholders in Ontario regarding independent prescriptive authority for pharmacists. Res Soc Adm Pharm. 2014; 10 (2):341–54. [ PubMed ] [ Google Scholar ]

Qualitative Research in General

  • Breakwell GM, Hammond S, Fife-Schaw C. Research methods in psychology. Thousand Oaks (CA): Sage Publications; 1995. [ Google Scholar ]
  • Given LM. 100 questions (and answers) about qualitative research. Thousand Oaks (CA): Sage Publications; 2015. [ Google Scholar ]
  • Miles B, Huberman AM. Qualitative data analysis. Thousand Oaks (CA): Sage Publications; 2009. [ Google Scholar ]
  • Patton M. Qualitative research and evaluation methods. Thousand Oaks (CA): Sage Publications; 2002. [ Google Scholar ]
  • Willig C. Introducing qualitative research in psychology. Buckingham (UK): Open University Press; 2001. [ Google Scholar ]

Group Dynamics in Focus Groups

  • Farnsworth J, Boon B. Analysing group dynamics within the focus group. Qual Res. 2010; 10 (5):605–24. [ Google Scholar ]

Social Constructivism

  • Social constructivism. Berkeley (CA): University of California, Berkeley, Berkeley Graduate Division, Graduate Student Instruction Teaching & Resource Center; [cited 2015 June 4]. Available from: http://gsi.berkeley.edu/gsi-guide-contents/learning-theory-research/social-constructivism/ [ Google Scholar ]

Mixed Methods

  • Creswell J. Research design: qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches. Thousand Oaks (CA): Sage Publications; 2009. [ Google Scholar ]

Collecting Qualitative Data

  • Arksey H, Knight P. Interviewing for social scientists: an introductory resource with examples. Thousand Oaks (CA): Sage Publications; 1999. [ Google Scholar ]
  • Guest G, Namey EE, Mitchel ML. Collecting qualitative data: a field manual for applied research. Thousand Oaks (CA): Sage Publications; 2013. [ Google Scholar ]

Constructivist Grounded Theory

  • Charmaz K. Grounded theory: objectivist and constructivist methods. In: Denzin N, Lincoln Y, editors. Handbook of qualitative research. 2nd ed. Thousand Oaks (CA): Sage Publications; 2000. pp. 509–35. [ Google Scholar ]

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    Book review: Qualitative research in education: a review for physics education and other sub-sciences. Abd Aziz Ardiansyah. Pages 337-340. Read the latest articles of Qualitative Research Journal at ScienceDirect.com, Elsevier's leading platform of peer-reviewed scholarly literature.

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    There is increasing interest in using patient and public involvement (PPI) in research to improve the quality of healthcare. Ordinarily, traditional methods have been used such as interviews or focus groups. However, these methods tend to engage a similar demographic of people. Thus, creative methods are being developed to involve patients for whom traditional methods are inaccessible or non ...

  27. Qualitative Methods in Health Care Research

    The PCO framework guides researchers in crafting a focused study question. Example: ... Ethical Issues in Qualitative Research. A qualitative study must be undertaken by grounding it in the principles of bioethics such as beneficence, non-maleficence, autonomy, and justice. Protecting the participants is of utmost importance, and the greatest ...

  28. Identifying primary care clinicians' preferences for, barriers to, and

    Background The growth of medical knowledge and patient care complexity calls for improved clinician access to evidence-based resources. This study aimed to explore the primary care clinicians' preferences for, barriers to, and facilitators of information-seeking in clinical practice in Singapore. Methods A convenience sample of ten doctors and ten nurses was recruited. We conducted semi ...

  29. Primary care transformation in Scotland: a qualitative evaluation of

    Patients who were interested in potentially taking part in the qualitative study were identified from a postal survey of patients (also part of the programme of research). 16 Sampling was designed to ensure that equal numbers of patients were recruited from the three health boards, and that there was a mix of characteristics according to age ...

  30. Qualitative Research: Data Collection, Analysis, and Management

    For example, the title of the research report by Thurston and others, 7 "Discordant indigenous and provider frames explain challenges in improving access to arthritis care: a qualitative study using constructivist grounded theory," indicates at least 2 theoretical standpoints. The first is the culture of the indigenous population of Canada ...