essay revolution 1848

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World History Project - 1750 to the Present

Course: world history project - 1750 to the present   >   unit 2.

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READ: The World Revolution of 1848

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First read: preview and skimming for gist

Second read: key ideas and understanding content.

• What caused the revolutions of 1848 in Europe?
• Why did the revolutions of 1848 fail?
• What effects did the Taiping Revolution and the Great Revolt of 1857 have on British power in Asia?
• Why does the author suggest that all these revolutions happened around the same time?
• From Europe to China, what was the common effect of the failed world revolutions from 1848 to 1865?

Third read: evaluating and corroborating

• All the revolutions mentioned in this article failed. However, thinking back to your discussions from the last lesson, how revolutionary would the revolutions of 1848, the Taiping Revolution, and the Indian Rebellion of 1857 have been, if they had succeeded?
• The 1848 revolutions were driven by two questions: a communities frame question that mostly the middle class liberals pushed (who gets to participate in ruling?) and a production and distribution frame question that mostly working class radicals pushed (who gets the profit from industrialization?) Were either of these questions resolved by these revolutions?

The World Revolution of 1848

The flood: world revolution and world crisis, to the barricades, the taiping revolution and the great revolt of 1857, ripples and countercurrents, want to join the conversation.

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• The 1848 Revolutions

The single most striking feature of the 1848 revolutions was their simultaneity.  This was the only truly European revolution that there has ever been.  Neither the great French revolution of 1789, nor the 1830 revolutions that began in Paris, not the Paris Commune of 1870, nor the Russian Revolutions of 1917 achieved this effortless cascading from one state to the next.  Even the so-called 'velvet revolutions' of 1989 were confined to formerly communist states of central Europe. By contrast, the revolutions of 1848 began in the Italian peninsula (or in Switzerland if you count the Sonderbund war of 1847) and spread to Paris, Vienna, Milan, Rome, Venice, Berlin, Munich, Cologne, Frankfurt, Copenhagen, Budapest, Dresden, and so on. This combination of simultaneity with diversity was a puzzle to contemporaries and has remained one to historians ever since.

This Special Subject examines the outbreak and course of the revolutions and their impact on Europe and the world.  Why did revolution break out across the continent in 1848? Were these truly ‘European’ upheavals, sustained by trans-national networks and communications, or parallel tumults generated by the same continent-wide socio-economic pressures? Who were the revolutionaries of 1848 and what did they want to achieve?  Why did the traditional regimes cave in so fast to their demands?  How was it that the revolutionaries, after the swift successes of spring, were so quickly unseated and swept from power in between the summer of 1848 and the spring of 1849? What kinds of political thinking (liberal, nationalist, socialist, republican, feminist, democratic, conservative) were in play among the revolutionaries and those who sought to impede their progress, and how did the course of the revolutions transform these trains of thought?  Since many contemporaries, especially on the liberal and radical left, saw in the events of 1848 the machinery of history in motion, it is worth asking how the revolutions shaped historical awareness.  The resonance of the revolutions in historical and literary writing will form another strand of our investigation.

It has long fashionable to characterize the revolutions as ‘failed’ tumults, whose impetus was bottled up by the force of counter-revolution.  This paper will swim against the current of this view, exploring the impact of the revolutions on cultures of governance and administration, on cultural life and the historical awareness of politically educated Europeans.   The paper will also seek to set the revolutions in their global context, seeking to do justice both to the pressure of developments in the wider world, and to the impact of the revolutions on societies outside Europe, such as the USA and Japan.   Finally, it will explore the question of what relevance the study of an ‘unfinished revolution’ may have for our own times. 

Image: " March troubles" in Stockholm , 1848. Fritz von Dardel - Nordiska Museet - NMA.0035335

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• Revolutions

1848: The Year of Revolutions

18 Dec 2023

2023 marks 175 years since the ‘Year of Revolutions’ in 1848. The political and social upheavals and revolutionary movements that erupted across Europe – particularly in France, Germany, Poland, Italy, Denmark, and the Austrian Empire – were  the most widespread revolutionary wave Europe has ever seen.

Over 50 countries were affected, yet this revolutionary wave occurred without any kind of central international coordination. No single cause or theory can explain why they transpired; the sentiments that fuelled this year of tumultuous change were instead sparked by a confluence of various social, economic, and political factors, including widespread dissatisfaction with autocratic regimes, economic hardships, demands for political reforms, and desires for national unification and independence.

However, although widespread, many of these revolutions fizzled out or collapsed within a year. What triggered them, was anything achieved, and why did many of the revolutions end relatively swiftly?

Political repression and autocratic rule

Many European countries were governed by autocratic monarchies or regimes that limited civil liberties and political participation. Citizens had grown increasingly frustrated by their lack of representation, and of oppressive governance and censorship, leading to a widespread demand for democracy over monarchy.

Economic hardships

A series of poor harvests since 1839, economic recessions, and industrialisation-related changes had meant decreased investment in agriculture, leading to widespread poverty, unemployment, rising food prices and shortages.

The working class and urban populations faced dire living conditions, contributing to social unrest and anger at how neglectful their country’s monarch could be.

Ideological stirrings

Ideas of liberalism, nationalism, and socialism were gaining traction across Europe. Calls for individual rights, constitutional reforms, national identity, and social equality spread through intellectual circles, influencing people to demand political change and other liberties such as freedom of the press.

The revolutionary barricades in Vienna in May 1848

Desire for national unification and independence

Many regions within Europe were fragmented politically, comprising several states or having pr ovinces under foreign rule. Indeed France’s Napoleon Bonaparte made his brother King of Spain. Movements aimed at national unification, independence, or autonomy grew stronger, especially in Italy, Germany, Hungary, and Poland, fostering a strong sense of nationalism.

Inspiration from previous revolutions

The success of previous revolutions, notably the French Revolution of 1830, inspired people to believe in the possibility of effecting change through collective action.

When the February Revolution broke out in France in 1848, resulting in the overthrow of King Louis-Philippe and the establishment of the French Second Republic, it acted as a catalyst, sending a powerful message across Europe, from the Italian and German states to the Habsburg Empire and other regions.  People in other countries saw this as an opportunity to demand similar reforms and challenge existing authoritarian regimes, sparking uprisings across the continent.

Social inequality and class struggles

Social disparities between the aristocracy and the lower classes fuelled discontent.

Urban populations had risen sharply, and the long working hours and inability to buy food or pay rent for the slums the working-class and urban poor lived in prompted them to seek better working conditions, fair wages, and representation in the face of industrialisation’s impact on labour. 

Meanwhile the middle-classes feared the new urban arrivals, concerned that the cheaper, mass-produced goods facilitated by industrialisation now replaced traditional skilled artisan products. Indeed m any of the revolutions’ leaders were middle-class workers, who felt misunderstood and disconnected from their rulers and their comparatively lavish lives.

Illustration of 19th century slum (Dudley St., Seven Dials, 1872)

Image Credit: Wikimedia Commons / Wellcome Images Photo number: L0000881 / CC BY 4.0

Achievements

The revolutions of 1848 were diverse in nature, with each country facing its unique set of grievances and aspirations. Although the uprisings didn’t result in lasting and widespread changes at the time, they did plant the seeds for future movements advocating for democracy, national unity, and social reforms in Europe.  Outcomes varied region to region and many of the revolutions were considered failures, but there were a few notably significant events.

The February Revolution in France led to the establishment of the French Second Republic, and Denmark also experienced an end to its 200 year old monarchy.

In Italy, 1848 marked a series of uprisings against Austrian and other foreign rule, as well as efforts for national unification under figures like Giuseppe Garibaldi and Giuseppe Mazzini. Similarly, the German states witnessed widespread protests, demands for constitutional reforms, and aspirations for a unified Germany, culminating in the Frankfurt Parliament’s attempts to create a German national assembly.

The Habsburg Empire faced intense unrest, particularly in Hungary, where demands for autonomy and reforms led to clashes with the Austrian monarchy. The Hungarian Revolution, led by figures like Lajos Kossuth, sought political freedoms and autonomy within the empire. However, serfdom was put to an end in Austria and Hungary.

Elsewhere in Europe, similar movements for liberal reforms and national independence emerged. In Poland, an uprising against Russian rule aimed at regaining independence, although it was eventually suppressed. Revolts and demands for change also occurred in regions like the Czech lands, Romania, and the Balkans.

Despite the initial enthusiasm and hopes for change, many of these revolutions faced significant challenges. Internal divisions among revolutionary factions, conflicting interests, and the reluctance of conservative forces to relinquish power led to the suppression of several uprisings. By the end of 1848 and into 1849, many of the revolutions had been quelled, and conservative forces regained control across Europe. Thousands of people also lost their lives in these conflicts.

Nonetheless, the events of 1848 had a lasting impact, serving as catalysts for future movements advocating for liberal reforms, national unification, and democratic governance. 1848 marked a significant turning point in European history, highlighting aspirations for change and setting the stage for subsequent revolutions and political transformations in the years to come.

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After adopting reforms in the 1830s and the early 1840s, Louis-Philippe of France rejected further change and thereby spurred new liberal agitation. Artisan concerns also had quickened, against their loss of status and shifts in work conditions following from rapid economic change; a major recession in 1846–47 added to popular unrest. Some socialist ideas spread among artisan leaders, who urged a regime in which workers could control their own small firms and labour in harmony and equality. A major propaganda campaign for wider suffrage and political reform brought police action in February 1848, which in turn prompted a classic street rising that chased the monarchy (never to return) and briefly established a republican regime based on universal manhood suffrage.

Revolt quickly spread to Austria, Prussia, Hungary, Bohemia, and various parts of Italy. These risings included most of the ingredients present in France, but also serious peasant grievances against manorial obligations and a strong nationalist current that sought national unification in Italy and Germany and Hungarian independence or Slavic autonomy in the Habsburg lands. New regimes were set up in many areas, while a national assembly convened in Frankfurt to discuss German unity.

The major rebellions were put down in 1849. Austrian revolutionaries were divided over nationalist issues, with German liberals opposed to minority nationalisms; this helped the Habsburg regime maintain control of its army and move against rebels in Bohemia, Italy, and Hungary (in the last case, aided by Russian troops). Parisian revolutionaries divided between those who sought only political change and artisans who wanted job protection and other gains from the state. In a bloody clash in June 1848, the artisans were put down and the republican regime moved steadily toward the right, ultimately electing a nephew of Napoleon I as president; he, in turn (true to family form), soon established a new empire, claiming the title Napoleon III . The Prussian monarch turned down a chance to head a liberal united Germany and instead used his army to chase the revolutionary governments, aided by divisions between liberals and working-class radicals (including the socialist Karl Marx , who had set up a newspaper in Cologne).

Despite the defeat of the revolutions, however, important changes resulted from the 1848 rising. Manorialism was permanently abolished throughout Germany and the Habsburg lands, giving peasants new rights. Democracy ruled in France, even under the new empire and despite considerable manipulation; universal manhood suffrage had been permanently installed. Prussia, again in conservative hands, nevertheless established a parliament, based on a limited vote, as a gesture to liberal opinion. The Habsburg monarchy installed a rationalized bureaucratic structure to replace localized landlord rule. A new generation of conservatives came to the fore—Metternich had been exiled by revolution—who were eager to compromise with and utilize new political forces rather than oppose them down the line. Finally, some new political currents had been sketched. Socialism, though wounded by the failure of the revolutions, was on Europe’s political agenda, and some feminist agitation had surfaced in France and Germany. The stage was set for rapid political evolution after 1850, in a process that made literal revolution increasingly difficult.

The years between 1815 and 1850 had not seen major diplomatic activity on the part of most European powers, Russia excepted. Exhaustion after the Napoleonic Wars combined with a desire to use diplomacy as a weapon of internal politics. Britain continued to expand its colonial hold, most notably introducing more direct control over its empire in India. France and Britain, though still wary of each other, joined in resisting Russian gains in the Middle East . France also began to acquire new colonial holdings, notably by invading Algeria in 1829. Seeds were being planted for more rapid colonial expansion after mid-century, but the period remained, on the surface, rather quiet, in marked contrast to the ferment of revolution and reaction during the same decades.

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Introduction: Why 1848 Matters

• Published: January 2022
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This introductory chapter suggests that 1848 was a pivotal moment in the history of modernity not only in Europe but in much of the rest of the world too. Marx’s scornful dismissal of the 1848 revolutions in his ‘The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte’ created a historiography for 1848 that has persisted for more than 150 years. Now it is time to rethink this pan-European serial revolution. This introduction outlines the extraordinary series of political events in 1848 and suggests that by using the concept of seriality, rather than, for example ‘nation’, ‘class’, or ‘industrial labour’, we can better understand the scale and spread of the revolutions across territories with vastly different political regimes. In 1848 the whole of Europe began to see itself represented in print and entered into a conversation with itself. Despite the counter-revolution, the effect of this sudden international connectivity was to be game-changing.

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Why the widespread revolutions of 1848 failed

The year 1848 witnessed a wave of revolutions that swept across Europe like wildfire. During this year, the continent was engulfed in political and social turmoil, that aimed to challenge the long-established monarchies.

In many cities, citizens rose up against oppressive regimes, demanding greater freedoms and national unity. Amid the unrest, the French monarchy fell, the German states faced fierce opposition from conservative forces, and the Austrian Empire feared that their empire would fracture along ethnic lines.

Ultimately, however, the Revolutions of 1848, despite their initial promise, were swiftly suppressed.

So, what went wrong? 

What caused the revolutions of 1848?

In the years leading up to 1848 Europe was experiencing widespread social, economic, and political unrest.

The continent was grappling with rapid industrialization , which had brought significant economic changes as rich company owners profited while the poorer working class suffered.

This led to stark class divisions. Many workers lived in grim conditions, facing low wages and poor working environments.

To add to their plight, food shortages, such as the potato blight of 1845, led to famine and increased discontent. 

As unhappiness increased, various governments had to rely upon political repression to maintain control.

The absolute monarchies and conservative governments often used censorship and secret police to stifle any dissent from its own people.

Regardless, demands for political reform and national self-determination grew louder.

So, by the start of 1848, these simmering tensions were about to erupt into full-scale revolts. 

How events in France began the revolutions

The final trigger for the revolutions was the French Revolution of February 1848.

On February 22, thousands of Parisians took to the streets to protest against King Louis Philippe's government.

The protesters demanded political reforms and an end to government corruption.

By February 24, the pressure mounted, and King Louis Philippe abdicated the throne.

He fled to England for safety. In his place, a provisional government was quickly formed, which proclaimed the creation of the Second Republic on February 26, 1848.

Under this new government, France saw the implementation of several progressive reforms.

Universal male suffrage was introduced: this allowed more citizens to participate in the political process.

Furthermore, the new republic aimed to address social issues by establishing the National Workshops to provide employment for the jobless.

These initiatives initially inspired hope among the populace. However, the economic situation remained dire, and the National Workshops struggled to meet the needs of the unemployed. 

Tensions escalated in June 1848, leading to the violent June Days Uprising. The government decided to close the National Workshops, which sparked outrage among the workers.

From June 23 to June 26, Paris witnessed brutal street battles between the workers and government forces.

By the end of the conflict, thousands had died, but the government emerged victorious.

However, this violent suppression highlighted the deep divisions within French society. 

In the aftermath of the June Days Uprising, Louis-Napoleon Bonaparte became an important figure.

In the December 1848 presidential election, he won a decisive victory, capitalizing on his uncle Napoleon Bonaparte 's legacy.

Unfortunately, Louis-Napoleon's presidency led to a more authoritarian regime.

By December 1851, he carried out a coup d'état, dissolving the National Assembly and eventually declaring himself Emperor Napoleon III: establishing the Second French Empire. 

What happened in the German States?

In March 1848, unrest spread to the German states. Widespread discontent erupted into protests and uprisings across various regions.

The people called for a democratic government. In Berlin, King Frederick William IV faced massive demonstrations.

By March 18, the king conceded to some revolutionary demands, including the promise of a constitution.

However, tensions remained high and, throughout the German Confederation, calls for a unified German state grew louder. 

The Frankfurt Assembly convened for the first time on May 18, in St. Paul's Church, Frankfurt.

This assembly, which included powerful leaders like Robert Blum, aimed to draft a constitution for a unified Germany.

It was attended by delegates from various German states and hopes were high that this was the first step to a new democratic system.

However, disagreements over the structure of the new state and its boundaries plagued the proceedings.

Ultimately, these internal conflicts constantly hindered the assembly's progress.

At the heart of the problems was the issue of including Austria in the new German state.

Some delegates supported a "Greater Germany" that included Austria, while others favored a "Lesser Germany" without it.

By March 1849, the assembly offered the imperial crown to King Frederick William IV, who rejected it.

This refusal dealt a severe blow to the revolutionary movement. 

In the light of these failures, the Frankfurt Assembly was dissolved. Reactionary forces quickly moved to restore order and suppress any revolutionary activities.

In Baden, for example, a radical uprising in April 1849 led by Friedrich Hecker, a radical democrat, faced brutal suppression by Prussian troops.

By the summer of 1849, most revolutionary efforts had been quelled. The German states reverted to conservative rule, and the dream of a unified, liberal Germany was postponed. 

The revolutions in the Austrian Empire

Meanwhile, the Austrian Empire faced internal strife as Hungarian, Italian, and Czech nationalists sought greater autonomy or independence.

The Austrian Empire faced profound challenges during the Revolutions of 1848. In March, Vienna erupted in protests, leading to the resignation of the influential Chancellor Metternich on March 13.

With Metternich's fall, the revolutionary fervor spread rapidly. Soon after, various ethnic groups within the empire, such as Hungarians, Czechs, and Italians, demanded greater autonomy and rights. 

In Hungary, Lajos Kossuth led the movement for Hungarian independence. On March 15, 1848, Kossuth delivered a passionate speech in Budapest, inspiring the Hungarian Diet to declare autonomy from Austria.

By April, the Hungarian army had mobilized 200,000 troops to defend its newly proclaimed rights.

However, the Austrian government refused to accept Hungary's demands, which led to a prolonged and bloody conflict.

Similarly, in Habsburg-controlled regions of northern Italy, cities such as Milan and Venice rose against Austrian rule.

The Five Days of Milan in March 1848 saw Austrian troops retreat from the city. Subsequently, the Venetians declared a republic in Venice on March 22.

To counter these revolts, the Austrian Empire had to divert significant resources and troops, which complicated its efforts to maintain control. 

In Prague, Czech nationalists demanded greater autonomy within the Austrian Empire.

The Pan-Slav Congress, held in June 1848, brought together representatives from various Slavic regions.

They sought to promote unity and cooperation among Slavic peoples. However, the Congress's aspirations were soon interrupted by violent clashes.

On June 12, 1848, the Austrian military crushed an uprising in Prague, curtailing the momentum of the nationalist movement.

Further south, in the Balkans, the Romanian principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia witnessed significant revolutionary activities.

In June 1848, Wallachian revolutionaries adopted the Proclamation of Islaz, which demanded political and social reforms. 

By October 1848, the situation in Vienna grew more dire. On October 6, a violent uprising erupted in the capital, leading to the death of Austrian Minister of War Theodor Baillet von Latour.

Emperor Ferdinand I fled the city and left it in the hands of the revolutionaries. In response, the Austrian military, led by General Windisch-Grätz, launched a brutal counter-offensive.

By the end of October, Vienna was retaken, and the revolutionary leaders faced harsh reprisals. 

The Hungarian revolution continued into 1849, with Hungarian forces scoring several victories.

Nevertheless, Austria sought assistance from Russia to suppress the uprising. In June 1849, a combined force of 300,000 Austrian and Russian troops launched a large, coordinated campaign against Hungary.

By August, the Hungarian forces, outnumbered and outgunned, faced defeat. On August 13, 1849, the Hungarian army surrendered at Világos, which ended the revolution. 

The 1848 revolution in Italy

 In March of 1848, the revolutions spread to the rest of Italy. Throughout the Italian Peninsula, the desire for "Risorgimento," or resurgence, became a powerful force.

In the Kingdom of Sardinia, King Charles Albert responded to the revolutionary spirit by declaring war on Austria.

His aim was to unite northern Italy under Sardinian leadership. To achieve this, the kingdom mobilized its forces and achieved initial successes against Austrian troops.

However, at the Battle of Custoza in July 1848, Charles Albert's forces suffered a decisive defeat. 

Elsewhere, Rome experienced its own revolutionary fervor. In November 1848, the assassination of Count Pellegrino Rossi, a conservative minister, sparked unrest.

Subsequently, Pope Pius IX fled the city, and revolutionaries established the Roman Republic in February 1849.

Led by figures such as Giuseppe Mazzini and Giuseppe Garibaldi, the republic sought to implement democratic reforms.

However, the new government faced immediate threats from foreign intervention. 

The French, who were eager to restore papal authority, sent an expeditionary force to Rome.

By April 1849, French troops laid siege to the city and, although Garibaldi and his forces mounted a valiant defense, the French army proved too strong.

After intense fighting, Rome fell to the French on July 3, 1849. In the wake of these events, Austria regained control over northern Italy.

By August 1849, Austrian forces had crushed the last pockets of resistance.

However, the ideals of the Risorgimento continued to inspire many Italians. Figures like Mazzini and Garibaldi remained committed to the cause of unification.  

Central and eastern Europe

The Revolutions of 1848 significantly affected Central and Eastern Europe, where nationalistic and liberal movements surged.

For example, in the Polish territories, the quest for independence from Russian control continued.

Krakow, then a Free City, experienced a brief uprising in February 1848. Polish insurgents sought to restore national sovereignty.

However, by March, Austrian forces quickly suppressed the rebellion. The failure underscored the challenges faced by Polish nationalists in their struggle for freedom. 

The impact of the 1848 revolutions extended into Transylvania, where Hungarian nationalists aimed to integrate Transylvania into Hungary, but the region's Romanian population opposed this move.

Violent clashes erupted, culminating in the Battle of Sighisoara in July 1849. Austrian and Russian forces decisively defeated them, leading to the reassertion of Habsburg authority. 

Why did the 1848 revolutions fail?

By 1849, most revolutionary movements had been suppressed. Reactionary forces regained control in many regions and restored conservative rule.

Although the revolutions did not achieve their immediate goals, they did leave a lasting memory in European politics.

The demands for liberalism, nationalism, and social reforms would continue.  

In many states, the ruling elites recognized the need to address some of the grievances that had fueled the uprisings.

Consequently, incremental reforms began to take shape. For example, Prussia implemented limited constitutional changes, which provided hope for more extensive reforms in the future.

And in France, the establishment of the Second Empire under Napoleon III saw a focus on economic modernization and public works projects.

These efforts aimed to stabilize society by addressing some of the underlying economic issues. 

Moreover, the Revolutions of 1848 highlighted the rising influence of nationalism.

The desire for national self-determination would become one of the most powerful forces in European politics.

It would eventually contribute to the unification of Germany and Italy in the latter half of the 19th century.

Also, the revolutions influenced the spread of new ideologies. Socialism and communism gained traction as alternative visions for society.

Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels published the Communist Manifesto in 1848, which was directly inspired by the revolutionary fervor.

Their ideas found a willing audience among those disillusioned with the failures of the revolutions. 

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New books the 1848 revolutions and european political thought.

The 1848 Revolutions and European Political Thought (Cambridge), a new textbook co-edited by Douglas Moggach *84, presents a series of essays reappraising the revolutions of 1848 not as failed revolts, but as accelerants of democratic modernity.

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Period 4: 1800–1848 (AP US History)

Period 4: 1800-1848.

The new republic struggled to define and extend democratic ideals in the face of rapid economic, territorial, and demographic changes. Topics may include:

The Rise of Political Parties

American foreign policy, innovations in technology, agriculture, and business, debates about federal power, the second great awakening, reform movements, the experience of african americans.

Image Source : A detail from The Times , a lithograph by Edward Williams Clay and Henry R. Robinson, printed in New York, 1837. (Library of Congress)

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4.1 : The United States began to develop a modern democracy and celebrated a new national culture, while Americans sought to define the nation’s democratic ideals and change their society and institutions to match them.

4.2 : Innovations in technology, agriculture, and commerce powerfully accelerated the American economy, precipitating profound changes to U.S. society and to national and regional identities.

4.3 : The U.S. interest in increasing foreign trade and expanding its national borders shaped the nation’s foreign policy and spurred government and private initiatives.

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Sylvester Graham and Antebellum Diet Reform

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Learn about the connection between diet reform and the religious revivals in the United States.

National Expansion and Reform, 1815–1860

By joyce appleby.

Learn about the political, cultural, and social circumstances surrounding the Second Great Awakening in the young republic.

A Mirror for the Intemperate

Broadside reflecting the temperance movement’s crusade against alcohol consumption

Women and the Early Industrial Revolution

By thomas dublin.

Learn about the impact of the early Industrial Revolution on women's lives and their place in the American story.

Abolition and Antebellum Reform

By ronald g. walters.

Learn about abolitionism in relation to Higginson’s Sisterhood of Reforms.

The Seneca Falls Convention

By judith wellman.

Learn about origins of the national stage for women’s suffrage.

Lydia Maria Child on women’s rights

Editorial and commentaries on women’s rights

The First Age of Reform

Learn about reform movements from roughly 1815 through the Civil War.

Black Women and the Abolition of Slavery

Learn how gender shaped the African American struggle for emancipation.

John Quincy Adams and the Amistad case

Letter from John Quincy Adams agreeing to represent the Amistad captives' petition for freedom before the Supreme Court

The Importance of Frederick Douglass

By david blight.

Learn about Frederick Douglass's emergence as abilitionist, orator, and statesman.

The Hemingses of Monticello: An American Family.

By annette gordon-reed.

Examine the relationship between Thomas Jefferson and Sally Hemings.

The Haitian Revolution: A New Vision of Freedom in the Atlantic World

By laurent dubois.

Examine the widely divergent notions of freedom that developed in Haiti and the United States

The horrors of slavery

Broadside and interactive explaining the horrors of enslavement

A Founding Father on the Missouri Compromise

Rufus King's speeches on limiting the expansion of slavery

A northerner’s view of southern slavery

A transplanted Connecticut woman extols life in the South

Nat Turner’s Rebellion

Nelson Allyn's letter about retaliation against African Americans in the context of Turner's rebellion.

Liberian Independence and Black Self-Government

By claude a. clegg iii.

Read about a Black American settler class that sought to rule over a territory primarily populated by indigenous Africans.

American Colonization Society

American Colonization Society's efforts to send America’s free Black population to Africa

The Slave Narratives: A Genre and a Source

Learn about the memoirs of formerly enslaved people.

The Bondwoman's Narrative

By henry louis gates.

Examine one of the first novels written by a formerly enslaved woman.

American History Timeline: 1800-1848

Image citations.

Listed in order of appearance in the sections above

• Marshall, John. Letter to Charles Pinckney, November 22, 1800. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC04996.
• Detroit Publishing Co. John Quincy Adams. Detroit, 1900-1912. Photograph of a painting by John Singleton Copley. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division. 
• Bingham, George Caleb. Stump Speaking. New York: Goupil & Co., 1856. Hand-colored engraving. The Gilder Lehrman Institute Institute of American History, GLC04075.
• Lee, Henry. A Vindication of the Character and Public Services of Andrew Jackson. Boston, 1828. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC08500.01.
• Bowen, A. A View of Col. Johnson's Engagement with the Savages (Commanded by Tecumseh) near the Moravian Town, October 5th, 1812 [i.e., 1813]. In Henry Trumbull, History of the Discovery of America ... and Their Most Remarkable Engagements with the Indians. Boston, 1828. Hand-colored woodcut. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC03798.
• Jefferson, Thomas. Letter to James Maury, June 16, 1815. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC09077.
• Everett, Edward. "The Monroe Doctrine." Loyal Publication Society 34. New York, ca. 1863. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC01265.12.
• Lewis, Samuel, and Aaron Arrowsmith. Louisiana. s.l, [1805]. Map. Library of Congress Geography and Map Division.
• Travis, William B. To the Citizens of Texas. February 28, 1836. San Felipe de Austin, TX. Broadside. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC03230.02.
• Texas. Unanimous Declaration of Independence by the Delegates of the People of Texas in General Convention, March 2, 1836. San Felipe de Austin: Baker and Bordens, 1836. Broadside. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of America nHistory, GLC02559.
• Plumbe, John. President's House (i.e., White House). Washington DC, ca. 1846. Daguerreotype. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division.
• Hinckley, Robert. The First Operation Under Ether. 1882-1893. Oil painting. Boston Medical Library. Image from Center for the History of Medicine, Harvard Countway Library.
• Madison, James, Edmund Pendleton, and US Patent Office. Patent for Matthias Baldwin's combination of the steam whistle and the boiler. May 28, 1846. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC00063.
• American Bank Note Company. "Lowell Girls" vignette. ca. 1859-1893. Engraving. The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Picture Collection, The New York Public Library.
• Miranda. "New York City -- the New York Clearing House." Frank Leslie's Illustrated Newspaper, August 21, 1875. The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Picture Collection, The New York Public Library.
• Detroit Publishing Co. New York Stock Exchange. New York, 1900-1905. Photograph. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division.
• Green, Valentine, engraver. General Washington. London, 1781. Mezzotint based on a painting by John Trumbull. Library of Congres Prints and Photographs Division.
• Jefferson, Thomas. Letter to David Howell, December 15, 1810. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC01027.
• Bethune, John, Surveyor General. A map of that part of Georgia occupied by the Cherokee Indians, taken from an actual survey made during the present year , in pursuance of an act of the general assembly of the state: this interesting tract of country contains four millions three hundred & sixty six thousand five hundred & fifty four acres, many rich gold mines & many delightful situations & though in some parts mountainous, some of the richest land belonging to the state. Milledgeville, Ga.: John Bethune, 1831. Map. https://www.loc.gov/item/2004633028/.
• King Andrew the First. [New York], 1833. Lithograph. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division.
• Crockett, David. Letter to Charles Schultz, December 25, 1834. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC01162.
• Jackson, Andrew. To the Cherokee Tribe of Indians East of the Mississippi. March 16, 1835. Washington DC. Circular. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC07377.
• Huffy, A., artist, and P. S. Duval. "Mrs. Jarena Lee." In Religious Experience and Journal of Mrs. Jarena Lee. Philadelphia, 1849. Engraving. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division. 
• Bridport, Hugh, lithographer, and Alexander Rider, artist. Camp-meeting. ca. 1829. Kennedy & Lucas Lithography. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division.
• National Biscuit Company. "Keeping Quality in the Pantry." In American Cookery 20, no. 1 (June-July 1915). Advertisement. Internet Archive.
• Burbank, J. Maze. Religious Camp Meeting. 1839. Watercolor. Old Dartmouth Historical Society-New Bedford Whaling Museum, New Bedford, Massachusetts. Gift of William F. Havemeyer (187).
• Bowen, Henry. A Mirror for the Intemperate. Boston, 1830. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC08600.
• Highsmith, Carol M, photographer. Looms inside the old Boott Cotton Mill No. 6 in Lowell, Massachusetts. United States Lowell Massachusetts, None. [Between 1980 and 2006] Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2011631938/.
• "Principles and Measures: Declaration of the Convention of 'Radical Political Abolitionists,' at Syracuse, June 26th, 27th, and 28th, 1855." Abolition Documents. Number One. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC04717.22.
• Schamer. L. Representative Women. Boston: L. Prang & Co., 1870. Lithograph. Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division.  
• Child, Lydia Maria Francis. Letters from New York: Second Series. New York and Boston, 1845. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC06218.
• Whipple, John Adams. Ralph W. Emerson. Boston, ca. 1860. Carte de visite. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC05141.
• Unknown photographer. Sojourner Truth. s.l., 1864. Photograph. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC06391.20.
• Adams, John Quincy. Letter to Roger S. Baldwin, November 11, 1840. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC00582.
• My bondage and my freedom. Part I : Life as a slave. Part II : Life as a freeman. By Frederick Douglass with an introduction. By James McCune Smith. Published by Miller, Orton & Mulligan. Includes an engraving of a young Douglass by J. C. Buttre from a daguerreotype. Signed on front free yellow endpaper by Maggie R. Marriott 1 June 1861. My bondage and my freedom. Part I : Life as a slave. Part II : Life as a freeman. By Frederick Douglass with an introduction. By James McCune Smith. The Gilder Lehrman Institute Institute of American History, GLC05820
• The Miriam and Ira D. Wallach Division of Art, Prints and Photographs: Print Collection, The New York Public Library. "Late residence of Thomas Jefferson, Monticello, Va." New York Public Library Digital Collections. Accessed February 5, 2024. https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/items/510d47da-258e-a3d9-e040-e00a18064a99
• Le 1er. Juillet , Toussaint-L'Ouverture, chargés des pouvoirs du peuple d'Haïty et auspices du Tout-puissante, proclame la Gouverneur général, assisté des mandataires légalement convoqués, en présenceet sous les Constitution de la république d'Haïty / lith. de Villain, r. de Sèvres No. 11. Haiti, 1801. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2004669332/.
• Wood, Samuel. Injured Humanity; Being A Representation of What the Unhappy Children of Africa Endure from Those Who Call Themselves Christians. New York, 1805. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC05113.
• King, Rufus. Substance of Two Speeches, Delivered in the Senate of the United States on the Subject of the Missouri Bill. New York, 1819. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC02384.
• Hale, Aurelia. Letter to Sarah Hale, June 11, 1821. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC08934.020.
• Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, Photographs and Prints Division, The New York Public Library. "Discovery of Nat Turner" New York Public Library Digital Collections. 
• Griffin, Robert K., 1836?-, Artist. Liberian senate / drawn by Robert K. Griffin, Monrovia. Liberia, ca. 1856. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/96521350/.
• Madison, James, R. R. Gurley, and American Colonization Society. Membership certificate, signed blank. December 1, 1833. The Gilder Lehrman Institute of American History, GLC04675.02.
• Walker, Jonathan. A Picture of Slavery, for Youth. Boston, [184-] . Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division.
• American Anti-Slavery Almanac. Illustrations of the American anti-slavery almanac for . New York, New York. United States New York, 1840. New York. Photograph. https://www.loc.gov/item/2007680126/ .

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The Revolution of 1848 in France Essay

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In February of 1848, the social tensions in France intensified because of the monarchy’s inability to promote liberal changes in the social life and government. Focusing on the industrial and agricultural decline in the country and on the necessity of the electoral reforms, people chose to follow the known path of a revolt and the further revolution in order to change the situation (De Lamartine par. 6).

Thus, the rise of nationalism in France was associated with the rise of people to promote positive changes and reforms in the country in order to improve the rule of Louis-Philippe as a monarch. In spite of the fact that the Revolution of 1848 was supported by the wide categories of the French public oriented to reforming the regime, the revolution led to the further restoration of monarchy in its new form.

The Revolution of 1848 started as a revolt directed by the activists whose main purpose was to promote the electoral reform and possible changes in the monarch’s rule, in the ministry, and in the Chambers. According to Alphonse de Lamartine, the French people aroused against the corruption of the government and against the rulers’ ignorance in relation to the problems of the vulnerable categories of the French society (De Lamartine par. 19).

Thus, “the government was blamed for causing the trouble and also for failing to help the poor” (Pearce 23). The problem was in the fact that Louis-Philippe was the representative of the ‘party of resistance’ who believed in the successful realization of the revolutionary ideals in the past. However, there also was the ‘party of movement’ focused on changing the regime and proclaiming the social justice (Pearce 22). From this point, the citizens who organized barricades in February of 1848 were the representatives of the ‘party of movement’.

A distinctive feature of the Revolution of 1948 was the fact that the National Guard chose to remain neutral in relation to the revolt, and that neutrality was discussed as the support for the idea of the people’s revolution. The National Guards acted along with the other French people who “felt an antipathy” to the regime and to Guizot as a chief minister (De Lamartine par. 14). As a result, the monarchy fell, and the Second Republic became the reality for the thousands of people who were oriented to prolonged changes in the political, economic, and social spheres.

The problem was in the fact that Louis Napoleon elected as the president of the Republic chose to restore the monarchy in spite of the accomplishments of the Revolution of 1948. The idea of nationalism during the period after the Revolution of 1948 was realized in the form of building the strong stabilized authority and in the form of developing the economic potential of the country (Pearce 23). However, the ideals of Louis-Philippe’s monarchy were not restored after the Revolution of 1948.

The Revolution of 1948 demonstrated that the French people were ready to fight for the revolutionary ideals during a long period of time, and that the movement to the developed future was the priority for the society. In spite of the fact that the Second Republic fell after some years of its existence, the results of the Revolution of 1948 for the national development of France in the 19 th century were significant.

Works Cited

De Lamartine, Alphonse. History of the Revolution of 1848 in France . 1998. Web.

Pearce, Robert. “Louis-Philippe and the 1848 Revolutions”. History Review 71.1 (2011): 18-23. Print.

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Revolutions in Europe in 1848-49. (Undergraduate)

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Flora Bensadon

came to the throne in 1643-1715 when he was 4-House of Bourbon-longest reign in european history-" le roi soleil'' " Louis le Grand'' —> they spent a lot of time projecting this powerful image —> part of keeping absolute power stable —> he had many portraits of him made in all his splendor —> most were not realistic => performance of power —> Palais de Versailles = epitome of absolute power (designed by Charles Le Brun who also painted the most famous Louis XIV portrait)-Versailles built as a hunting lodge by Louis XIII in 1623 —> transformed by L14-the king's bedchamber is actually the most important place of the palace —> all members of the palace would go to his chamber to wait for his " levée''. They would stand around his bed and try to get his attention and maybe ask for favors, gvt positions etc —> then second wave of people came in after he was dressed —> then third wave when he left the room. Everything was mirrored for the " couchée'' —> it was all meant to show how powerful Louis was, because all the most powerful nobles were constantly asking for his approval, favors and were always around him.-Louis's early years in power because he was so young => very unstable France, regency of Anne of Austria with chief minister Cardinal Mazarin ; end of Thirty Years War ; Peace of Westphalia 1648 ; war with Spain 1635-59; the Fronde 1648-53 uprise from the people against the nobility (les frondeurs); Louis' personal rule began 1661. But they failed and it traumatized Louis => when he came of age he made sure the nobility would never be tested again => absolutism. II. French Absolutism-1660-1789 = absolutism-Absolutism = the ruler has power over everything, and doesn't need formal approval from the church, the assemblée etc. Nothing stands between what he can do and what he wants to do.-This was supported by many intellectuals such as Jacques-Bénigne Bossuet because of divine right. They believed that like a father rules over his family, the king rules over the people. So the gvt is not above the law because they serve the people, the king is above everything as he serves God.-in exchange for the respect of his subjects, Louis offered them protection Louis XIV's absolutist measures : 1. Louis had different nobles to serve him than the kings before him => less " noblesse de l'épée'' and more " noblesse de robe'' (which were closer to haute bourgeoisie than other nobles) + he exiled members of parliament who refused to applied his laws 2. Reigning in of outer provinces (eg: Brittany, Languedoc, Franche-Compté) —> Estates General (= general assembly representing the three Estates) didn't meet between 1614 and 1789 3. He attempted to impose religious uniformity " un roi, une foie, une loi'' => he persecuted unorthodox catholics + révocation de l'édit de Nantes (signed in 1598 and revoked in 1685)

Political Studies

Michael Levin

Marx and Engels's analysis of German society can be fruitfully viewed as a materialist adaptation of earlier Romantic views on German special development. The failure to develop a strong bourgeois class meant that Germany's pattern of development differed markedly from the general theory outlined in part one of the Communist Manifesto. If the bourgeoisie could not further the development of society, that task necessarily fell to the German proletariat, thereby placing them at the head of the international workers' movement.

trust magama

Romario Cumbers

Nathan Crick

In this project, I track the development of Margaret Fuller’s rhetoric of transcendental nationalism within the context of the Roman revolution in 1848. My central purpose is to situate the legacy of Margaret Fuller in the field of rhetorical theory and criticism, as well as to position her dispatches from Italy as the culmination of her work—not an eclipse of her previous writings, but a vital part of any understanding of the woman, the writer, the Transcendentalist, the feminist, the nationalist, the revolutionary that was Margaret Fuller. Furthermore, I argue that Fuller’s dispatches offer a model for a distinctly transcendental form of nationalism through her combined skills, such as critiquing large networks of power, her classical knowledge and familiarity with the language of myth, her growing narrative form and structure, her love of German-Romantic philosophy and literature, her literary nationalist voice, and her deeply-rooted belief in the collective power of the Italian people. Although arriving as a travel-writer abroad, Fuller was also a foreign correspondent for the New-York Tribune with the task of reporting back on any and all happenings. Europe, at the time, was in a tumultuous state, which would soon erupt in open insurrection and full-blown revolution. And Fuller was right in the middle of it. After travelling through England and France, she arrived in Italy and quickly became a convert to the Italian nationalist cause. Although her dispatches begin with descriptions of her encounters with art, nature and culture, once in Italy Fuller adopts a more aggressive rhetorical voice that quickly evolves into a sophisticated rhetoric of transcendental nationalism. This dissertation will explore how Fuller transformed her Transcendental belief in the power of individualism and the art of self-culture into a radical, revolutionary, nationalist rhetorical style that called a nation together based on common origin, character, spirit, and destiny in an effort to pursue a new Democratic Order. This dissertation thus traces the works of Margaret Fuller beginning with her major publications in America, continuing through her dispatches from Europe (1846-1850), and ending with a distinct rhetorical form and style, which I call the rhetoric of transcendental nationalism.

TANMAY KULSHRESTHA

Zeeshan Uddin

Jeff Frieden

Panayotis Goutziomitros

The paper is an overview of how the opposition was first shaped in the Russian Empire in the first half of the 19th century and focus in the emergence of socialism in the late 40s and its impact in the new current of radical opposition; the Narodniks. The paper was conducted through examining and comparing the different intellectual movements in this time period.

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Understanding the Communist Manifesto: a Scholarly Overview

This essay is about The Communist Manifesto written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels in 1848. It critiques capitalism highlighting the exploitation of the proletariat by the bourgeoisie and predicting inevitable class conflict leading to socialism and communism. The manifesto advocates for abolishing private property implementing progressive taxation and providing free education. Despite criticisms and the failure of some communist states it remains influential in political thought and social movements continuing to provoke debate on capitalism socialism and social justice.

How it works

The Communist Manifest created by Marksem Karl and Engels Friedrich is foundational text in political philosophy and sociology. It is given out in 1848 between the violent European political landscape then serves as the manifest for Communist Ligi protecting for proletarian revolution and establishment of classless society.

In his kernel capitalism of criticisms of the Communist Manifest describing then how the system where a rich bourgeois class exploits a proletariat work to accumulate the capital. Marks and Engels deny that a capitalism unavoidable takes to the increase of class conflicts and economic crises eventually toruj?c a road for proletarian revolution.

One of key suggestions of the manifest is historical materialism theory of history that lays to founding economic factors how the primary driver of historical change. According to Marksa and Engels societies behave through the phases of development that is managed a class fight. They provided for that a capitalism would enter a road to socialism and eventually communism where private property and class a difference stops existence.

The contour specific of the manifest is self-weighted for the achievement of these aims by the way abolition of the personal state progressive taxation on a profit centralization of credit in the hands of the state and free education for all children. These suggestions aim to centralize power in the hands of working class and dismantle economic patterns that immortalize inequality.

Critics of the Communist Manifest argue this his prophecies did not materialize as Marks and Engels presented . They specify to the refuses of the communist states in 20 – to the ? century where the authoritarian modes and economic inability smothered freedoms of person and innovation. In addition the call of the manifest for a class fight interpreted something how an excitative conflict instead of creation of collaboration among classes.

However the Communist Manifest becomes a substantial document that prolongs to influence on political opinion and social motions in the whole world. His analysis of contradiction of capitalism and his defences for a social justice philosophize with those who searches an alternative to the modern economic systems.

In conclusion the Communist Manifesto is more than a historical document; it is a living testament to the enduring debate over capitalism socialism and the role of the state in economic and social affairs. Despite its controversial legacy and varied interpretations its call for social equality and justice continues to provoke thought and inspire movements for change.

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Guest Essay

It Takes Too Many Studies for the Government to Do the Right Thing

By Robinson Meyer

Mr. Meyer is a contributing Opinion writer and the founding executive editor of Heatmap , a media company focused on climate change.

In two years, the American Southwest is expected to cut the ribbon on one of the biggest and most environmentally audacious projects in recent history. Consisting of a gigantic wind farm in New Mexico and a transmission line more than 500 miles long running to Arizona, the SunZia project will generate more power than the Hoover Dam and immediately become the Western Hemisphere’s biggest renewable energy project — powerful enough to, at peak, generate 1 percent of America’s electricity needs.

It is a project to celebrate — the kind of ambitious energy endeavor that we should be doing more of. But it’s also a project to fret over, because SunZia has taken far too long to build. Conceived in 2006, the project is now old enough to vote; when it is finally powered on in 2026, it will be nearly old enough to buy a Modelo. SunZia exemplifies how hard it is to build big new power lines in America — how long it takes, how expensive it can be, how bad that is for the planet and how urgently Congress needs to do something about it.

No matter how you look at it, America needs more power lines. If you care about slowing climate change, then building more transmission infrastructure is essential to connecting new wind and solar energy to the power grid. Wind, in particular, is lagging in part because many of the best areas to build — windy places near a grid hookup — already have turbines on them. If you care about developing artificial intelligence, then building more power lines gives you more abundant electricity and a power grid stable enough to support new data centers. And if you’re just a regular person paying your power bill, then more transmission capacity should keep your electricity costs down by allowing places with cheap and plentiful power to sell it to regions where it is more expensive while helping to stave off blackouts. California’s grid avoided blackouts during a 2022 heat wave in part because it is well connected to neighboring grids.

Building more power lines, in other words, is an urgent national need. But over the past decade, construction of long-distance lines has slowed down. The problem is that it’s much harder to get permits for transmission projects than for other types of major infrastructure: Power line developers must go hat in hand to cities, counties, states, the local utility board and many federal agencies to get permission to break ground on projects. After that, they can expect to have to endure seemingly endless rounds of environmental review and permitting litigation. By contrast, developers of a natural gas pipeline essentially need to go to only one federal agency for most of their permits.

One recent lawsuit against SunZia is instructive. In June a federal court rejected one of the last major lawsuits against the project, brought by two Native American tribes, an archaeology group and an environmental group. That lawsuit, in essence, accused the government of failing to fully study the route where SunZia’s transmission line would be built, arguing that even though the government had been studying the project off and on since 2009, it had not done it in the right way. If the government had studied the land correctly, the lawsuit claimed, then it most likely would have changed part of the line’s route.

The judge ultimately dismissed the suit because the time had long passed when the government could alter the route. (The project still faces other challenges in court, and its opponents say they will probably appeal the June ruling.)

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