if i become the president of sri lanka essay

• The President

President of Sri Lanka and Leader of the United National Party

Ranil Wickremesinghe has been sworn in as the President of Sri Lanka on 21 st July 2022.  He has been the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka on six occasions. He was first appointed PM from 1993 – 1994 after the assassination of President Ranasinghe Premadasa. Subsequently, from 2001 to 2004, he was elected as the Prime Minister to lead the United National Front Government during the presidency of  Chandrika Kumaratunge. In January 2015, he was appointed as the Prime Minister of the coalition government after the election of President Maithripala Sirisena. His appointment was sanctioned by the Sri Lankan people at the general election of August 2015. Once again, in December 2018, President Sirisena was compelled to reappoint him as PM after illegally dismissing him in October 2018. In November 2019, after the defeat of the UNP presidential candidate, he resigned from his position as Prime Minister. In May 2022, he accepted the invitation made by President Gothabhaya Rajapakse to be appointed the Prime Minister of an interim government to extend his expertise and experience in mitigating the economic and political meltdown in the country.

He is the Leader of the United National Party (UNP), Sri Lanka’s oldest political party, founded in 1946. He is one of Sri Lanka’s most senior and experienced legislators who has served the country as an MP in all Parliaments since 1977 (apart from a break of 10 months from August 2020 to June 2021).

Political Beginnings

Born in 1949 after Sri Lanka gained independence from the British, Ranil Wickremesinghe is truly a leader of the new independent era. A lawyer by profession, he was elected to Parliament in 1977 (aged 28), having worked in the Youth League of the UNP from his university days. As the youngest Minister in Sri Lanka at the time, he held the post of Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs under President Jayewardene. Very soon, in recognition of his exceptional talents and unique capacity for work, he was appointed to the Cabinet of Ministers as the Minister of Youth Affairs and Employment. Later on, he was given the portfolio of education. Then in 1989, as a seasoned legislator, he was made the Leader of the House under President Premadasa. He also served as the Minister of Industries, Science and Technology.

Early Achievements

From 1977 to 1994, during the seventeen years that the UNP was consecutively returned to power, Ranil Wickremesinghe, as a dynamic young politician, had a crucial impact on the country’s development. Many consider him the best education minister produced by the country due to the radical reforms he initiated in the 1980s aimed at the qualitative improvement of school education. The reforms involve upgrading subjects such as  English and introducing Technology and Computer skills. He also professionalised the educational service via the Sri Lanka Education Administrative Service (SLEAS). He launched the National Institute of Education (NIS) and the colleges of education to provide training for Sri Lankan teachers. He also instituted the National Youth Services Centre at Maharagama and the national youth corps (NYC) – a youth development organisation. Apprenticeship training was reorganised, leading to the founding of the National Apprentice and Industrial Training Authority (NAITA) and vocational training centres. He energised the young people in Sri Lanka with creative, motivational, skill development programs through youth clubs ( Yovun Samaja ) and youth camps ( Yovunpura ).

Later, as the Minister of Industries, Science and Technology (1989 – 1994), he was responsible for Sri Lanka’s second round of economic liberalisation in 1989. It concentrated on financial de-regularisation and industrial promotion in rural areas through infrastructure development and the institution of industrial estates. Along with the Science and Technology Act, he introduced Sri Lanka to the IT age by initiating the Info-Sri Lanka exhibitions, and in 1993 signed the agreement with US Vice-President Al Gore to get the country connected to the Internet. His industrialisation strategy led to President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s 200 garment factories project. Among the other industries promoted was value addition in rubber gloves and automobile and industrial tires.

In 1977, Biyagama was one of the least developed constituencies in the island. As the MP for Biyagama, he dramatically developed his electorate to become a modern model suburb with carpeted roads, electricity, water, sanitation, schools, community centres and other infrastructure. Due to his economic development program, Biyagama is today one of the leading export-oriented regional economies. It has an investment promotion zone that includes the Biyagama Free Trade Zone (1985) on one side of the Kelani River and the Seethawaka Investment Promotion Zone (1993) on the other) and several manufacturing areas that employ thousands of young men and women in a range of industries.

Prime Minister Ranil 

In 1993 after the untimely demise of President Premadasa, Ranil Wickremesinghe was unexpectedly appointed the Prime Minister during the brief presidency of D. B. Wijetunge. Ever ready for a challenge, the young Prime Minister rose to the responsibility of high office. He is credited for ensuring the country’s law, order and stability at this crucial juncture. During this short period, he drove the economy; the country recorded its highest economic growth of the decade. He introduced new technologies and strengthened the Army with a new program of training to fight the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Elam).

Leader of the United National Party and Leader of the Opposition in Parliament

After the UNP was voted out in 1994, Ranil Wickremesinghe became the Leader of the United National Party. Under his leadership, the UNP has undertaken several rounds of extensive restructuring at institutional and grassroots levels from time to time. He has worked to democratise the party to ensure a more equitable balance in representation, especially when it comes to ethnicity, gender and youth.

Ranil Wickremesinghe was appointed the Leader of the Opposition in Parliament, a position he held from 1994 to 2001 and 2004 to 2015.

Prime Minister Again and Again

In 2001, Ranil Wickremesinghe led his party back to power and was sworn in as Prime Minister from 2001 to 2004. Despite a president from an opposing party at the helm of the state and a rampant Opposition in Parliament, Ranil Wickremesinghe’s most significant achievements were to restore full-time electricity, rejuvenate the ailing economy from a growth rate of -1.55% to 3.96% in 2002, break down the many ethnic barriers in the country, bring the warring LTTE to the negotiating table for peace talks, and galvanise the goodwill and financial support of the international community for Sri Lanka. For the first time, in 2004, the country became self-sufficient in rice after many centuries.

After another stint in the Opposition, in January 2015, Ranil Wickremesinghe functioned as Prime Minister following President Sirisena’s election. A few months later, he won the general elections to continue as PM. This time too, he had to carry out governmental affairs under an increasingly hostile President from 2018 onwards. Despite the manipulations of President Sirisena, significant achievements during this era included a series of legislative and legal reforms to institute good governance. This involved pruning the extensive powers of the presidency and a return to parliamentary democracy via the 19 th Amendment to the Constitution. Other legislation included the repeal of the criminal defamation provisions of the Penal Code, enacting the Right to Information Act, the National Audit Act, and the Active Liability Management Act. Parliamentary oversight committees were instituted to ensure due process in the execution of law and order (thereby improving the human rights profile of the country). Legislation was enacted to enhance women’s participation in politics, leading to a minimum quota of 25% women’s representation at the local authority level in 2018. Actions taken for macroeconomic stability led to Sri Lanka’s primary budget indicating a surplus in 2015, for the first time after 62 years. It was repeated in 2019. Other achievements include upgrading the health and educational sectors (establishing an island-wide emergency medical service – Suvasariya ), strengthening diplomatic relations, and enhancing Sri Lanka’s international image.

In August 2020, Ranil Wickremesinghe and the UNP were defeated, and the Party only retained a single bonus seat in Parliament. He had virtually retired when the Party nominated him back to Parliament on the national list. This was so that he could offer his expertise to ease the growing crisis in the country due to the Rajapakse regime’s mismanagement of the economy and the Covid pandemic.

Ranil Wickremesinghe was born on 24th March 1949 and in 1995 married Maithree Wickramasinghe, the Chair Professor of English and the founding director of the Centre for Gender Studies at the University of Kelaniya. An internationally recognised writer/speaker on gender and women’s studies, her work interfaces research, teaching/training, policy development, advocacy and activism.

He is the second son of Esmond and Nalini Wickremesinghe. He has three brothers and one sister who have distinguished themselves in their professions and fields of interest. Esmond Wickremesinghe was an eminent press magnate and one-time President of the International Press Institute. He was awarded the Golden Pen of Freedom in 1965 (the annual award to individuals who have made an outstanding contribution to the defence of press freedom). Nalini Wickremesinghe was the daughter of D R Wijewardene (one of the country’s famed freedom fighters and the press baron who founded Sri Lanka’s largest publishing house Associated Newspapers of Ceylon Ltd.). She was a patron of the arts who contributed significantly to the revival of Sinhala drama, craft and culture from the 1950s to the 1980s.

Education and Other Pursuits

Ranil Wickremesinghe received his primary and secondary education at Royal College, Colombo. Having graduated from Colombo University with a Degree in Law, he enrolled as an Advocate of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka in 1972. He then practised as a lawyer for five years. In 2014, he was the Robert E. Wilhelm Fellow at the Centre for International Studies at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) in Cambridge, USA. In 2017, in recognition of his outstanding political service to the country, he was awarded an honorary doctorate from the University of Deakin, Australia. He was appointed the Asia Pacific Democrat Union Chair (2015 – 2022) and has been an ( ex officio ) Deputy Chair of the International Democrat Union.

Outside of politics, he is the patron of the Geopolitical Cartographer (GC), an international think tank specialising in the Indian Ocean. The GC aims to promote the study, research, and analysis of the geopolitical and geoeconomic developments in the Indian Ocean, Pacific Ocean, and the connected landmass, which are redrawing the global political order.

Commitments and Interests

Ranil Wickremesinghe has served as the Chair of the Dhayakasabha of one of Sri Lanka’s historic temples, the Kelaniya Vihara and is a Dhayakaya of the temples Gangaramaya, Walukaramaya and the Weragodalla (Sedawatte) temples. He has written and spoken widely on Sri Lankan history, literature, world politics and Buddhism. As a passionate reader, he devours books, and web articles relating to regional politics, international affairs and world history on his cherished Ipad. He appreciates Sinhala music, western classics, opera, and Bollywood songs. Ranil Wickremesinghe relishes Sri Lankan and international cuisine and travelling to places of historical interest with his spouse.

Recent News

Labour day message.

• Thanks to the President’s effective economic initiatives, the country’s economy has gained international confidence today
• President emphasizes immediate reforms in global financial structure
• Global disparities between developing and developed nations have grown due to technology gaps and concerns of weapons of mass destruction
• President Briefs Indian CEOs on Sri Lanka’s Economic Outlook
• Strategizing Climate Prosperity in a Zero Carbon World: A Blueprint for Success
• Education is the Gateway to Enrich Children’s Lives – says President’s Secretary, Mr. Saman Ekanayake
• The opportune moment for investing in Sri Lanka’s renewable energy sector has arrived
• President Shares Sri Lanka’s Positive Economic Outlook and Reforms at Business Roundtable in Switzerland
• Thai Pongal Day Message

Related Links

• The official website of the President
• President's Media Division
• Sri Lanka Parliament
• Department of Government Information
• Web Portal of Government
• Government Infomation Center (1919)

Contact Presidential Secretariat

Presidential Secretariat Galle Face Center Road Colombo 1 Sri Lanka +94 11 2354354 +94 11 2340340 [email protected]

Recent Posts

Connect with us.

Copyright © 2024. Created by Information & Communication Technology Unit .

• Former Presidents
• Vision & Mission
• Secretary to the President
• Former Secretaries to the President
• Cabinet Ministers
• Secretaries to the Ministries
• Right to Information
• History of the Building
• Gazettes on Presidential Commissions of Inquiry & Task Force
• Subjects & Functions to the Present Cabinet of Ministers

Most popular

Profile: Ranil Wickremesinghe, Sri Lanka’s new president

The veteran politician has been elected president by the members of Sri Lanka’s parliament.

Colombo, Sri Lanka –  Ranil Wickremesinghe has been elected Sri Lanka’s new president , less than a week after his predecessor Gotabaya Rajapaksa was forced to flee the country amid mass protests over the country’s crippling economic crisis.

Wickremesinghe, a shrewd politician with a career spanning more than four decades, is due to serve the rest of the presidential term until November 2024.

Keep reading

Wickremesinghe sworn in as sri lankan president amid protests, ‘he’s not our president’: protesters reject new sri lankan leader, ‘supreme power of people’: sri lanka marks 100 days of protests.

“Our divisions are over. We have to work together now,” the 73-year-old leader of the United National Party (UNP) said on Wednesday after winning the vote in parliament.

Protesters angry with shortages of food and fuel, however, have pledged to oppose Wickremesinghe’s elevation to the country’s top post, accusing him of shielding the Rajapaksa family who have been blamed for running the island nation of 22 million into the ground.

Last week, demonstrators stormed Gotabaya’s official residence as well as Wickremesinghe’s private residence and office in Colombo, forcing the president to flee to Singapore via the Maldives. It came two months after Mahinda Rajapaksa, Gotabaya’s elder brother and prime minister, was forced to resign , making way for Wickremesinghe.

Wickremesinghe has warned that he will “firmly” deal with the largely peaceful protest movement known as Aragalaya [meaning struggle in Sinhala language] that erupted in April after the country faced acute shortages of electricity and other essential items due to a lack of foreign reserves. The country defaulted on its $51bn external debt the same month.

“If you try to topple the government, occupy the president’s office and the prime minister’s office, that is not democracy; it is against the law. We will deal with them firmly according to the law,” he said.

Wickremesinghe imposed a state of emergency after becoming acting president last week, raising fears among protesters, who have been camping at the Galle Face in Colombo since April 9, that he might use force to suppress the movement.

“The protesters must get together now and go ahead with specific plans under a unified leadership. The more we wait, Ranil will have a chance to suppress us,” Shalika Wimalasena, a demonstrator, told Al Jazeera.

“Ranil was elected president to protect the Rajapaksas,” he said.

Damitha Abeyrathne, a popular actress and protest leader, said protesters wanted an interim government led by a respected person until elections were held.

“We all knew that politics was a dirty game and today we saw a good example of this. The MPs have shown that they don’t care about the people,” Abeyrathne told Al Jazeera.

“We are ready to start the next battle. We are not against anyone personally. We are against corruption and those who protect the crooks,” she said, referring to the old political elite accused of corruption and responsible for the country’s economic mess.

Wickremesinghe was born on March 24, 1949, into an influential political family. His uncle, Junius Richard Jayewardene, is a former president and prime minister.

A lawyer-turned-politician, Wickremesinghe won his first parliamentary election in 1977 and became prime minister for the first time in 1993 – a post he has held six times overall.

Wickremesinghe’s political career witnessed a dramatic turnaround in recent weeks, nearly two years after his UNP party did not win a seat in the 2020 parliamentary elections.

Since retaking the post of prime minister in May, he claimed to have re-established Sri Lanka’s foreign relations, proposed constitutional reforms to clip the president’s powers and held talks with the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank in efforts to stabilise the economy.

His supporters, as well as some critics, say Wickremesinghe is best suited to lift the island nation out of the crisis, pointing to his vast governance experience, international standing and “technocratic” skills.

In an interview with Al Jazeera last month, the veteran leader said he was confident he could turn the economy around and backed the protesters’ demands for a change in the political system.

Wickremesinghe says he wants to establish political stability to conclude the IMF bailout deal that the country desperately needs.

He has backed economic reforms to attract investment and move Sri Lanka towards an export-oriented economy. But his immediate challenge is to ensure the supply of fuel and food to millions.

Critics have accused Wickremesinghe of opportunism after agreeing to return to the post of prime minister, but he says he took up the job for the sake of his country.

“I thought ‘the situation is bad, it’s your country, so you can’t be wondering whether you are going to succeed or not. You take it over and work to succeed’,” he had told Al Jazeera.

Alan Keenan, senior consultant with the International Crisis Group, said Wickremesinghe’s alignment to the Rajapaksa family over the past few months – and some believe for much longer – has “damaged his political legitimacy”.

“To establish at least some popular legitimacy, he should commit to support a constitutional amendment to abolish the post of executive president and to call general elections no later than six months from now,” Keenan told Al Jazeera.

“The new president will have to do a lot to reassure them [protesters] that he has the national interest at heart,” he said, urging Wickremesinghe against cracking down on protests.

Political analysts describe Wickremesinghe as an astute politician who has grabbed opportunities to cling to power.

“He is a politician from the old order. He knows the nitty-gritty of tactics in parliamentary politics, because of that he has been able to manoeuvre his way through various crises,” said Uditha Devapriya, chief analyst of international relations at Factum.

“He has managed to make use of various situations to his advantage,” added Devapriya, pointing out that the Rajapaksa government, which had dubbed him a “traitor”, made way for his ascendance to power.

Wickremesinghe has also been accused of protecting the Rajapaksas during his tenure as prime minister from 2015-2019, under President Maithripala Sirisena.

“When he became prime minister in 2015, he came with a mandate to bring the Rajapaksas to book, but he slowed things down when it came to cases against the Rajapaksas who were viewed as extremely corrupt,” Devapriya said.

The coalition government at the time was also racked by corruption, nepotism and a constitutional crisis.

He appointed a protégé as the governor of the Sri Lanka central bank, who was forced to resign over a corruption scandal. The appointment of cronies in government positions also undermined the image of the government.

Shiral Lakthilaka, an independent lawyer and political analyst, accused Wickremesinghe of bringing cronies into his cabinet.

“This is nepotism,” said Lakthilake, who worked with Wickremesinghe during 2001-2009. “Look at Ranil’s team … His friends and ‘yes men’ are in his team.”

The year 2017 saw the country’s first primary surplus in six decades due to better fiscal management.

But the 2019 Easter Sunday attacks were the final blow to Wickremesinghe’s government and paved the way for the return of the Rajapaksas.

As president, however, Gotabaya Rajapaksa resorted to populist tax policies that favoured cronies instead of addressing the structural issues affecting the economy. He also rode on ethnonationalism targeting Tamil and Muslim minorities and brought a constitutional amendment to arm the presidency with unbridled power.

The isolationist foreign policy saw Sri Lanka’s close friends pushed away. Major projects by Japan and China were cancelled in controversial decisions by the Rajapaksa government.

Wickremesinghe was among those who had warned about the reckless policy decisions of the Rajapaksa government.

After taking over as prime minister, Wickremesinghe showed pragmatism, as he tried to balance relations with the West and China – a key lender – and northern neighbour India.

Analysts say he had worked quite well with China during 2015-2019, rather than entirely aligning with the West with whom he has cultivated a warm relationship. He has also struck a warm rapport with New Delhi, which has provided a much-needed credit line to buy fuel in the past several months.

“He didn’t take West’s side in the Russia-Ukraine war. He was never ideologically aligned to any side, at least now,” said Devapriya.

Wickremesinghe has called for the opening of the economy, but has also supported state intervention when needed.

“In the 1970s and 1980s he was a neo-liberal like his uncle Junius Richard Jayewardene, but he has also adopted some pragmatic measures,” Umesh Moramudali, lecturer at the department of economics at the  University of Colombo, told Al Jazeera.

“In fact, he didn’t privatise as much as Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga during her term as president in the 1990s,” said Moramudali.

Wickremesinghe is credited with setting up Sri Lanka’s first Special Economic Zone, which attracted international investors, in the late 1980s under President Ranasinghe Premadasa.

His position on political issues has also varied from time to time. On the one hand, he opposed the proposal for a federal state but on the other, he backed peace with Tamil rebels, who initially sought more autonomy in the northern region.

“To his credit, he went around the world and convinced a lot of world leaders that the peace process was worth it. He also convened a donor conference where countries pledged about $4.5bn, this was a big amount in the early 2000s,” Devapriya said.

Pubudu Jayagoda, education secretary at the Frontline Socialist Party, believes Wickremesinghe cannot solve the crisis for which he blamed the neoliberal economic policies implemented in the past four decades.

“We lost our energy sovereignty due to privatisation of all the state enterprises and selling off the national assets,” Jayagoda told Al Jazeera.

“I’m not talking about a totally closed economy; we have to build trade relationships, economic relationships, diplomatic relationships with other countries.

“But I think we must make sure we have national security, especially in the energy sector.”

Another criticism of Wickremesinghe is that he has not allowed new leaders to grow in the UNP. In 2019, the UNP suffered a split after senior leader Sajith Premadasa formed a new party over differences with Wickremesinghe.

In the 2019 presidential election, Premadasa’s candidacy was not finalised till the last moment, while the two men sparred publicly over policy issues.

“This gave rise to the perception that Ranil [Wickremeshinghe] preferred Gotabaya over Sajith. If Sajith became president, Ranil would have to play second fiddle,” Devapriya, from Factum, said.

But the move boomeranged as the UNP suffered its worst defeat in the 2019 elections.

Wickremesinghe has also been accused of being an elitist – a charge he has denied.

But unlike the Rajapaksas, who have dominated Sri Lanka’s politics in the past two decades, he has not made populist proposals or resorted to rabble rousing.

“Ranil has not been able to tap into that sentiment. That’s the biggest difference you see between Ranil and the very family and the very background that he hails from,” Devapriya said.

“The UNP has a history of nationalist politics. Jayewardene, in 1977 didn’t come to power promising a free liberalised economy, but on the promise to establish a righteous society based on the principles of Buddhism.”

Essay on Sri Lankan Culture

Students are often asked to write an essay on Sri Lankan Culture in their schools and colleges. And if you’re also looking for the same, we have created 100-word, 250-word, and 500-word essays on the topic.

Let’s take a look…

100 Words Essay on Sri Lankan Culture

Sri lanka: a tapestry of tradition.

Sri Lanka, an island nation nestled in the Indian Ocean, boasts a vibrant and diverse culture shaped by its rich history, geography, and ethnic diversity. Its people, warm and hospitable, celebrate life with zeal, embracing traditions passed down through generations.

A Symphony of Flavors

Sri Lankan cuisine is a harmonious blend of local and foreign influences, reflecting the island’s diverse history. Rice, the staple food, is accompanied by curries brimming with spices, coconut milk, and fresh vegetables. From fiery curries to delicate sweets, Sri Lankan dishes tantalize taste buds with an array of flavors.

Vibrant Festivals and Arts

Sri Lanka’s cultural heritage shines brightly during its many festivals and celebrations. Traditional dances, colorful costumes, and lively music fill the air as communities come together to honor their traditions. From the grandeur of Kandy Esala Perahera to the rhythmic beats of traditional drumming, Sri Lankan art forms captivate audiences with their beauty and energy.

A Legacy of Craftsmanship

Sri Lanka’s artisans possess remarkable skills, crafting exquisite works of art that reflect the island’s cultural heritage. From intricate wood carvings and delicate pottery to intricate handloom textiles, their creations showcase the dedication and skill that have been passed down through generations.

A Tapestry of Faiths

Sri Lanka is home to diverse religious traditions, including Buddhism, Hinduism, Christianity, and Islam. Temples, mosques, and churches stand side by side, representing the island’s long history of religious tolerance and harmony. The coexistence of different faiths enriches the cultural fabric of Sri Lanka, fostering a spirit of unity and understanding.

250 Words Essay on Sri Lankan Culture

The warm hospitality.

The people of Sri Lanka are known for their warmth and hospitality. They welcome visitors with open arms and go out of their way to make them feel at home. Sri Lankans are always willing to help others, and they are always happy to share their culture and traditions with visitors.

The Rich History

Sri Lanka is a country with a rich and diverse history. The island has been inhabited for thousands of years, and many different civilizations have left their mark there. Visitors can explore the ancient ruins of Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa, or visit the historic city of Kandy.

The Stunning Natural Beauty

Sri Lanka is a land of stunning natural beauty. It is home to lush rainforests, pristine beaches, and towering mountains. The island is also home to a wide variety of plant and animal life. Visitors can go on safaris in the national parks, go hiking in the mountains, or simply relax on the beach.

The Diverse Culture

Sri Lanka is a diverse country, home to many different cultures and religions. The main ethnic groups are the Sinhalese and the Tamils, but there are also many other smaller groups. The various cultures of Sri Lanka are reflected in the country’s food, music, and dance.

The Conclusion

Sri Lanka is a fascinating and beautiful country with something to offer everyone. From its warm hospitality to its stunning natural beauty, Sri Lanka is a destination that will stay with you long after you leave.

500 Words Essay on Sri Lankan Culture

Sri lankan cuisine: a culinary symphony.

Sri Lankan cuisine is a delightful tapestry of flavors, textures, and aromas that embodies the country’s rich history and diverse influences. Rice is a staple, often served with spicy curries made from coconut milk, fresh vegetables, and an array of aromatic spices. Kottu Roti, a stir-fried flatbread with vegetables, meat, and eggs, is a popular street food. Lamprais, a Dutch-influenced dish, combines rice, meat, and vegetables wrapped in a banana leaf and steamed. And don’t forget the delectable sweet treats like Kavum, a coconut toffee, and Aluwa, a sweet made from rice flour and jaggery.

Sri Lankan Dance: A Rhythmic Extravaganza

Sri Lankan dance is an expression of the country’s vibrant culture and heritage. Traditional dances like Kandyan Dancing, originating from the hill country, are characterized by elaborate costumes, intricate footwork, and graceful movements. They tell stories of mythology, history, and daily life. The energetic and colorful fire dance, known as Fire Devils, is a captivating spectacle, while the rhythmic beats of the drums accompany the mesmerizing movements of the dancers.

Sri Lankan Festivals: A Celebration of Life

Sri Lanka is known for its vibrant festivals that reflect the country’s diverse religious and cultural traditions. The Sinhala and Tamil New Year, celebrated in April, marks the beginning of the new year with feasts, music, games, and traditional rituals. Vesak, the festival of lights, commemorates the birth, enlightenment, and passing away of Lord Buddha and is celebrated with colorful lanterns, processions, and acts of kindness. Deepavali, the festival of lights, is celebrated by the Hindu community with oil lamps, fireworks, and traditional sweets.

Traditional Sri Lankan Dress: Elegance and Simplicity

Sri Lankan traditional dress showcases the country’s rich cultural heritage. For women, the Kandyan saree, made of fine cotton or silk, is meticulously draped and adorned with intricate embroidery and jewelry. The osariya, a colorful cloth worn over the shoulder, adds an elegant touch. Men wear the sarong, a long piece of fabric wrapped around the waist, often paired with a shirt or kurta. Both men and women wear elaborately designed jewelry, symbolizing their cultural and social status.

Sri Lankan Crafts: A Showcase of Skill and Creativity

Sri Lanka has a long tradition of skilled craftsmanship, evident in its diverse range of handicrafts. Intricate wood carvings, delicate handwoven textiles, and stunning batiks reflect the country’s rich artistic heritage. The intricate designs and motifs tell stories of Sri Lankan culture, history, and mythology. These crafts are not only beautiful but also serve a purpose, from clothing and household items to decorative pieces that adorn homes and temples.

That’s it! I hope the essay helped you.

If you’re looking for more, here are essays on other interesting topics:

• Essay on Sri Lanka
• Essay on Sports In School
• Essay on Sports And Games

Apart from these, you can look at all the essays by clicking here .

Happy studying!

Leave a Reply Cancel reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Save my name, email, and website in this browser for the next time I comment.

Fifty Years As A Republic: The Making Of The 1972 Constitution

By Jayampathy Wickramaratne –

Dr Jayampathy Wickramaratne PC

This week marks the fiftieth anniversary of Sri Lanka becoming a republic. We observe the anniversary at a time when the large majority of our people are yearning for comprehensive constitutional reform – “system change”, as they put it. Many believe that, after the failure of the first and second republican constitutions, the time is right for the Third Republic.

This article in three parts is based on a paper that I contributed to a collection of essays titled “Sirimavo”, published by the Bandaranaike Museum Committee in 2010. When Sunethra Bandaranaike invited me to contribute an essay on the 1972 Constitution , I told her that I would be unable to say much good about it. This, I explained, was despite Dr Colvin R. De Silva, the Minister of Constitutional Affairs of the United Front government who steered the constitution-making process, being a former leader of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party to which I belonged and my senior in several fundamental rights cases beginning with Palihawadana v. Attorney-General (Job Bank Case) , the first fundamental rights case under the 1978 Constitution. “You can write anything”, Sunethra assured me. My friend Tissa Jayatillaka edited the publication.

Replacing the Soulbury Constitution

The Independence Constitution of 1947, popularly known as the Soulbury Constitution, conferred dominion on Ceylon. The Governor-General was appointed by the British sovereign. The Parliament of Ceylon consisted of the King/Queen, the Senate and the House of Representatives. Executive power continued to be vested in the Crown and was exercised by the Governor-General. The Cabinet of Ministers was charged with the general direction and control of the government and was collectively responsible to Parliament. The form of government was in the Westminster model, which meant that the Governor-General would act on the advice of the Prime Minister. By the oath of allegiance, Senators, Members of Parliament, and all holders of office, including the Prime Minister, Ministers and heads of departments and judicial officers, swore to ‘be faithful and bear true allegiance to the King/Queen.

The first move towards making Ceylon a Republic was made by S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, who, on becoming Prime Minister in 1956, informed the other governments of the British Commonwealth of Ceylon’s intention to become a Republic within the Commonwealth. A Joint Select Committee of the two Houses of Parliament on the revision of the Constitution accepted the principle of establishing a Republic within the Commonwealth. It was also agreed that the parliamentary form of government would continue with the President being a constitutional head of state. The President and the Vice-President would be elected by the legislature, fundamental rights recognized, appeals to the Privy Council abolished, and a court established to adjudicate constitutional matters and hear appeals from the Supreme Court.

Although sub-section 4 of section 29 of the 1947 Constitution provided that ‘in the exercise of its powers under this section, Parliament may amend or repeal any of the provisions of this Order, or of any other Order of Her Majesty in Council in its application to the Island’, the question whether Parliament could replace the British sovereign who was a source of the legal authority of the Constitution and a constituent part of Parliament had been raised, among others, by J.A.L. Cooray in his Review of the Constitution . The Privy Council stated in Ibralebbe v The Queen (65 NLR 433, 443) that the reservations specified in section 29 were ‘fundamental’ and in Bribery Commissioner v Ranasinghe that section 29 (2) was ‘unalterable under the Constitution’(66 NLR 73, 78). Although obiter (not essential for the decision), these statements gave support to a move initiated by the Left parties towards a new ‘homegrown’ or ‘autochthonous’ Constitution with a complete legal break from the existing constitutional order in preference to amending the Constitution. There was also a definite trend in the Commonwealth towards enacting ‘homegrown’ constitutions to replace those given by the United Kingdom.

The Constituent Assembly route

It was this trend towards and desire for an autochthonous constitution that led the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), the Lanka Sama Samaja Party (LSSP) and the Communist Party (CP) to not support the call of the 1965 government of Dudley Senanayake of the United National Party (UNP) to re-establish the Joint Select Committee on the Revision of the Constitution. The SLFP, LSSP and CP which later combined to form the United Front (UF) whilst declining to serve on the Joint Select Committee proposed that a Constituent Assembly be set up to adopt and enact a new constitution.

At the general election of May 1970, the UF, as reflected in its manifesto, sought from the electorate a mandate to permit the Members of Parliament to function simultaneously as a Constituent Assembly. The Assembly would draft, adopt and operate a new constitution, the primary objective of which was to make the country a free, sovereign and independent republic dedicated to the realization of a socialist democracy that would guarantee the fundamental rights and freedoms of all citizens.

At the above-referenced general election, 84.9% of the voters, a significantly high percentage even for an electorate known for its enthusiastic participation in elections, exercised their franchise. The UF won 116 out of 151 seats on offer but obtained 48.8% of the total votes cast. With the support of the six nominated members and the two independent members who won their seats with the help of the UF, the latter now commanded 124 seats in the 157-member Parliament. The UNP was down to 17 seats. The Federal Party (FP) won 13 seats while Tamil Congress (TC) won 03.

The Governor-General, in the course of delivering the first Throne Speech of the new Parliament, called upon the Members of Parliament to form a Constituent Assembly in keeping with the mandate asked for and given by the people at the general election. That the Address of Thanks to the Throne Speech was passed without a division is also important.

On 11 July 1970, Prime Minister Sirimavo Bandaranaike wrote to all members of the House of Representatives to invite them for a meeting to be held on 19 July 1970 to consider and adopt a resolution for constituting themselves into a Constituent Assembly. The meeting was to be held at the Navarangahala, the newly constructed auditorium of Royal College, Colombo and not in the chamber of the House of Representatives, signifying the intention of the UF to make a complete break from the 1947 Constitution. Dr Colvin R. de Silva, the Minister of Constitutional Affairs, emphasized that what was contemplated was not an attempt to create a new superstructure on an old foundation.

It is a matter of great significance that all political parties represented in Parliament participated in the formation of the Constituent Assembly on 19 July 1970.

J.R. Jayewardene, the Leader of the Opposition and Deputy Leader of the UNP, joining the debate on the resolution to set up a Constituent Assembly, reminded the UF that it had a mandate only from less than 50% of the people. Nevertheless, if both sides of the legislature, the victors and the vanquished, agreed to make common cause in enacting a new basic law through a legal revolution, that new law, if accepted by the people, will become the full expression of the hopes, desires and aspirations of the present generation.

Dharmalingam of the FP, while questioning the need to go outside the existing Constitution, noted: “We are making common cause with you in enacting a new Constitution not as a vanquished people but as the representatives of a people who have consistently at successive elections since 1956 given us a mandate to change the present Constitution which has been the source of all evil to the Tamil people.”

The leader of the FP, S.J.V. Chelvanayakam, urged the Assembly to reach common ground on controversial issues and quoted Jawaharlal Nehru in support: “We shall go to the Constituent Assembly with the fixed determination of finding a common basis for agreement on all controversial issues.”

Anandasangaree, speaking on behalf of the TC, stated that his party did not wish to be a stumbling block but requested the Government to be fair and adopt the new Constitution unanimously.

Indicating the acceptance of the Constituent Assembly route towards the adoption of a new constitution by all political parties, the proposed resolution to form the Constituent Assembly was unanimously passed on 21 July 1970.

It is significant that all political parties represented in Parliament participated in the formation of the Constituent Assembly, thus giving legitimacy to the process. However, the Constitution that the Constituent Assembly adopted lacked similar legitimacy. The Federal Party discontinued participation after the Assembly decided to make Sinhala the only official language. The United National Party voted against the Constitution. With all political parties agreeing on the Constituent Assembly process, it was a unique opportunity to adopt a constitution that had the support of the people at large. But Assembly proceedings show that the United Front, which had a two-thirds majority but had received a little less than 50% of the popular vote, imposed a constitution of its choice. The Constitution also extended the term of the legislature by two years which had a chilling effect on Sri Lankan democracy. There is certainly a lot to learn from the 1970-72 reform process.

Retaining the parliamentary form of government

Whilst the desire of the UF was to make a complete break from the Soulbury Constitution modelled on the British system, it nevertheless considered the Westminster model of parliamentary government to be suitable for Sri Lanka.

However, J.R. Jayewardene proposed the introduction of an executive presidency, a proposal opposed even by Dudley Senanayake, a former prime minister and the leader of the UNP. Interestingly though, Jayewardene was to have the last word.  After he was elected Prime Minister in 1977, the UNP he led having obtained an unprecedented five-sixths majority in Parliament, Jayewardene introduced the executive presidency through the Second Amendment to the 1972 Constitution. He followed it up with the Second Republican Constitution of 1978, based on an executive presidency sans any checks and balances usually found in countries with a presidential form of government.

It is salutary, in the above context, to recall the words and sentiments expressed by Sirimavo Bandaranaike during the debate on the Second Amendment to the Constitution: “The effect of this amendment is to place the President above the National State Assembly. Above the law and above the courts, thereby creating a concentration of State power in one person, whoever he might be. This has happened in other countries before, and history is full of examples of the disastrous consequences that came upon such nations that changed their Constitutions by giving one man too much power. (…) We oppose this Bill firmly and unequivocally. It will set our country on the road to dictatorship and there will be no turning back. This Bill will mark the end of democracy in Sri Lanka, as the late Dudley Senanayake realized when these same ideas were put to him in the United National Party.”

Dr De Silva warned against the danger of counterposing the Prime Minister chosen by the people who are sovereign against a President who is directly elected: “Let me put it directly and more strongly. You have the Prime Minister chosen by the people who are sovereign. Then, if you have a President, chosen also by the sovereign people directly through the exercise of a similar franchise, you have at the heart and apex of the State two powers counterposed to each other, each drawing its power from the same source, the sovereign people, but each drawing the power independent of the other.” No Constitution will be able to define adequately and satisfactorily the relationship between the two, he explained.

(Next: Part II: A Majoritarian Constitution)

Sri Lanka In The Chalk Circle

A churlish churchill, a godawful grusha, latest comments.

Nathan / May 22, 2022

A crucial observation, true, valid and of significance, is that the 1972 Constitution the lacked a legitimacy the Constituent Assembly had. Tamils have been governed by the Sinhalese parties under an illegitimate Constitution, ever since. ( That establishes that the 1978 Constitution too lacked legitimacy, logically speaking.)

Nathan / May 23, 2022

Even though the conversion of dominion status of Ceylon to Republic of Sri Lanka looks a natural evolution, it was a crafty and insidious move. Tamils were deprived of the means of a legal recourse, instantaneously.

SJ / May 23, 2022

What was crafty or insidious about the country freeing itself of the clutches of the empire?

ramona therese fernando / May 23, 2022

The Presidency should be abrogated. In a constitutional set up and underdeveloped governing capability of a country such as ours, it only brings confusion and turmoil. – Our prime ministers traditionally have greater networking and interactivity capacity with the rest of the ministers. Our presidents only came about with the idea of sitting high like an executive monarch. However, the Queen of the Soulbury constitution was mostly a figure head…a ceremonial role, and greatest powers lay with the Prime Minister and cabinet of ministers (greater democracy with some acknowledgement towards the Queen, with probably some tithe towards the crown, and finance towards the commonwealth). – Jayawardena tried to expedite development through executive presidency, but lacked the necessary skill and intellect to install the structure to make the capitalized economy work across the board – auditing and taxation were inadequate, if at all. Parliament needed greater democratic consensus to create and implement their ideas, but they were stilted and stifled with this executive. And we all know what Gotabaya did with the executive. Yet again, democratic consensus was stilted and stifled, but at a far greater levels this time. The results are glaring!

The executive presidency was also installed to regulate the powers of the provincial councils and to have executive command of the military. These can be delegated to the 21st amendment for the prime minister, ministers, and any of the councils to democratically handle. Ceremonious positions are inessential, redundant, and expensive to keep in this day and age. – Chandrika recently spoke about creating a Constitutional Council and Council of State of non-partisan persons of high-intellectual capability to keep checks and balances on all of parliament, especially the leader. She suggested that the younger segments of the population especially those from the Aragalaya should fit well into these consultancy roles. These Councils cannot be overwritten by the leader or any of the parliament. Excellent suggestions by her – complex, but essential for democracy.

Leave A Comment

Comments should not exceed 200 words. Embedding external links and writing in capital letters are discouraged. Commenting is automatically disabled after 5 days and approval may take up to 24 hours. Please read our Comments Policy for further details. Your email address will not be published.

Sri Lanka PM: This is how I will make my country rich by 2025

We must make the most of our historic ties to the ASEAN region, says PM Ranil Wickremesinghe. Image:  Reuters/Dinuka Liyanawatte

.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo{-webkit-transition:all 0.15s ease-out;transition:all 0.15s ease-out;cursor:pointer;-webkit-text-decoration:none;text-decoration:none;outline:none;color:inherit;}.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo:hover,.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo[data-hover]{-webkit-text-decoration:underline;text-decoration:underline;}.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo:focus,.chakra .wef-1c7l3mo[data-focus]{box-shadow:0 0 0 3px rgba(168,203,251,0.5);} Ranil Wickremesinghe

.chakra .wef-9dduvl{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;font-size:1.25rem;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-9dduvl{font-size:1.125rem;}} Explore and monitor how .chakra .wef-15eoq1r{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;font-size:1.25rem;color:#F7DB5E;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-15eoq1r{font-size:1.125rem;}} Sri Lanka is affecting economies, industries and global issues

.chakra .wef-1nk5u5d{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;color:#2846F8;font-size:1.25rem;}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-1nk5u5d{font-size:1.125rem;}} Get involved with our crowdsourced digital platform to deliver impact at scale

Stay up to date:.

Ranil Wickremesinghe is the current acting president of Sri Lanka. He assumed the position after his predecessor, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, fled the country amid protests over the country’s economic crisis. Wickremesinghe, who is also the prime minister, has held several premierships since the 1990s and has called on parliament to nominate a new prime minister after assuming the role of acting president.

This is an important moment in Sri Lanka’s development, as the country continues to deliver on its plans for economic development and stands on the cusp of a transition to a knowledge-based economy.

Since the country and its people saw a vibrant transition in its political landscape in January 2015, further bolstered by the August 2015 general elections that formed a national unity government – a first ever political experience for the country since its nearly seven decades of independence – Sri Lanka has put in place many of the building blocks needed to reinvigorate its socio-economic and political architecture.

We have achieved many positive gains over the last three years through bold policy initiatives and pragmatic strategies, that enabled the country to win back recognition and friendly engagements with the rest of world. This has been a key foreign policy achievement of our government. Doors are open again for constructive and friendly engagements that have eased economic and political pressures. However, as per the expectations of all our people, there is more to achieve and the government plans with due diligence to make Sri Lanka regain its centrality in the Indian Ocean and become a knowledge-based, highly competitive hub with a dynamic social-market economy.

The progress Sri Lanka has delivered over the past three years, and the success of its plans going forward, are naturally influenced by the global economic downfall and heavily tied to strategic trade relationships, in particular trade relationships across the Asian region. It is no secret that Asia is the future “economic engine”, and in our endeavours to make Sri Lanka a rich country by 2025, it is our intention to “engage Asia” more steadily, utilizing the strategic access to major growing markets in the region, from India, Pakistan, China, Japan and ROK to the ASEAN. Developments in Africa are also important in looking to South-South engagements and cooperation. While we undertake this re-orientation, we also continue to strengthen our partnerships with the West – particularly our top export markets of the United States and Europe.

Our economic policy, Vision 2025 , is firmly embedded in several principles, including a social market economy that delivers economic dividends to all. In the first place we need to ensure we have a skill pool that matches the job market’s demands. Sri Lanka’s education system is being transformed through progressive and important policy reform: the minimum length of schooling has been increased to 13 years, while better education is being brought to rural areas through the Nearest School Is the Best School programme, and Sri Lanka is investing in more teachers and better training. Also, opportunities for vocational training in selected areas during school education will be introduced. Further, we have taken action to empower new and innovative ideas by strengthening the intellectual property regime in Sri Lanka. The plan for an “Empowered Sri Lanka” identifies the priorities of raising incomes, ensuring employment and housing for all, and improving the quality of life for all citizens.

The plan is delivering impressive results. The current government has created over 460,000 jobs and helped more than 260,000 families secure a home. Strong progress is being made on plans to bring opportunities to rural communities by building necessary infrastructure such as roads and bridges, connecting rural and urban areas and linking Sri Lanka’s economic hubs. A programme, Enterprise Sri Lanka , has been launched to encourage young and educated entrepreneurs, who will receive loans to start SMEs. The government has also invested in some mega projects, including the Colombo Megapolis constructions – to build a city of the future – and irrigation projects including the Moragahakanda-Kaluganga Dam, to generate green energy and provide water resources for agro-production.

With a domestic market of 20 million consumers with a modest per capita income, Sri Lanka recognises the importance of external demand for sustained, high and long-term growth. This is why the country is rolling out a plan to strategically position Sri Lanka as the hub of the Indian Ocean, securing opportunities for local businesses in global production networks and ensuring that the country is capitalizing on opportunities to enter new global value chains. This outward-looking approach will increase the efficiency of the domestic economy, contributing to a better life for all Sri Lankans.

Sri Lanka is mindful of the shortcomings in its macroeconomic policies and institutional capacities that are required to respond to the challenges. We have encouraged strong public-private partnerships, and enabled institutions to become more transparent and efficient. We want them to function with independence, while ensuring transparency through being in compliance with norms set by the parliamentary oversight committees. The drive to end corruption is strong. We have enacted policy and legislative changes to facilitate doing business with Sri Lanka – it now ranks second in South Asia , according to the World Bank.

We have also played a constructive role in promoting international and regional initiatives in many areas, ranging from the environment and climate change to maritime security and migration. It is our commitment to use the strategic potential of the country, including its vibrant maritime connectivity, for enhancing friendly cooperation with all partners while reaping the economic benefits for all our peoples.

For the first time, Sri Lanka has now been linked to the large ASEAN region by entering into the free trade agreement (FTA) with Singapore . To have struck its first comprehensive trade agreement (including not only goods but services and investment) with a country like Singapore, regarded as one of the most open economies, with high-quality institutions, is an important milestone for Sri Lanka, and a major achievement for the current government. The Singapore FTA is a strong step towards closer integration with ASEAN, and in fact was signed in the same month that Singapore took over the chairmanship of ASEAN for the year 2018. It signals to ASEAN that Sri Lanka is interested in the region, and signals to the world that it is serious about reform.

The investment and trade resulting from the Singapore FTA is expected to drive the earning potential of Sri Lankans. Having created hundreds of thousands of jobs, the government is now focused on turning these into better paying jobs for people, in particular for youth and the younger demographics. The government has been clear that FTAs like this one are about opportunity, development and delivering a better standard of living for our people.

Sri Lanka has already begun preliminary discussions with another ASEAN country – Thailand – on a potential FTA, and formal talks were launched during the visit of the Thai prime minister to Colombo in July. This too is an important milestone, with Thailand taking over the ASEAN chair next year.

At present, Sri Lanka has “dialogue partner” status in ASEAN, as a member of the ASEAN Regional Forum along with 26 other countries. But the country will be using its trade agreements with Singapore and potential trade agreement with Thailand to bring it closer to obtaining observer status in ASEAN, with the goal of an FTA, as well as linking to the RCEP – the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership agreement.

Have you read?

How to follow our #asean18 meeting in viet nam, what skills do asean countries need to meet the challenges of the future, asean still believes in globalization. but can it make it work for everyone.

The purpose of closer engagement with ASEAN is to generate more foreign direct investment (FDI), diversify export markets and create new technology and people linkages. ASEAN is important as a source of FDI inflows and a market for Sri Lankan exports. We have set ourselves the target of doubling exports by 2020 as part of our new National Export Strategy launched recently, which lays emphasis on the diversification of exports by strengthening emerging sectors, to chart the next export growth cycle of Sri Lanka. With our nation already delivering increased FDI and record growth in both its traditional and high-growth export industries, alongside its plan to redefine its international trade relationships, Sri Lanka is confident in its ability to deliver on its export targets. ASEAN has and will be a major part of Sri Lanka’s growth strategy and its Engage Asia policy.

The upcoming 27th World Economic Forum on ASEAN in Ha Noi, Viet Nam, provides me with the opportunity to showcase the landmark changes in Sri Lanka and our growing economic interconnection with the ASEAN region and beyond. It will build upon the foundations of the historical and cultural ties that have existed for many centuries, and which bind our people irrevocably.

Ranil Wickremesinghe is the Prime Minister of Sri Lanka. He is participating in the World Economic Forum on ASEAN in Ha Noi, Viet Nam.

Don't miss any update on this topic

Create a free account and access your personalized content collection with our latest publications and analyses.

License and Republishing

World Economic Forum articles may be republished in accordance with the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International Public License, and in accordance with our Terms of Use.

The views expressed in this article are those of the author alone and not the World Economic Forum.

Related topics:

The agenda .chakra .wef-n7bacu{margin-top:16px;margin-bottom:16px;line-height:1.388;font-weight:400;} weekly.

A weekly update of the most important issues driving the global agenda

.chakra .wef-1dtnjt5{display:-webkit-box;display:-webkit-flex;display:-ms-flexbox;display:flex;-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;-webkit-flex-wrap:wrap;-ms-flex-wrap:wrap;flex-wrap:wrap;} More on Trade and Investment .chakra .wef-17xejub{-webkit-flex:1;-ms-flex:1;flex:1;justify-self:stretch;-webkit-align-self:stretch;-ms-flex-item-align:stretch;align-self:stretch;} .chakra .wef-nr1rr4{display:-webkit-inline-box;display:-webkit-inline-flex;display:-ms-inline-flexbox;display:inline-flex;white-space:normal;vertical-align:middle;text-transform:uppercase;font-size:0.75rem;border-radius:0.25rem;font-weight:700;-webkit-align-items:center;-webkit-box-align:center;-ms-flex-align:center;align-items:center;line-height:1.2;-webkit-letter-spacing:1.25px;-moz-letter-spacing:1.25px;-ms-letter-spacing:1.25px;letter-spacing:1.25px;background:none;padding:0px;color:#B3B3B3;-webkit-box-decoration-break:clone;box-decoration-break:clone;-webkit-box-decoration-break:clone;}@media screen and (min-width:37.5rem){.chakra .wef-nr1rr4{font-size:0.875rem;}}@media screen and (min-width:56.5rem){.chakra .wef-nr1rr4{font-size:1rem;}} See all

US hikes tariffs on Chinese imports, and other global trade stories to read this month

Guillaume Dabré

May 24, 2024

Are these five trends disrupting or driving logistics growth?

Ali Alwaleed Al-Thani and Sheikh Mohammed bin Hamad bin Faisal Al-Thani

Critical minerals are in demand. How do we make sure this trend drives development? 

Kimberley Botwright and Guillaume Dabré

Global trade growth could more than double in 2024. Here’s why

Andrea Willige

May 14, 2024

Geopolitical rivalries are costly for global businesses. Here’s why – and what's at stake

Spencer Feingold

May 13, 2024

4 key trends driving private market impact funds: One CEO explains

Michael Eisenberg and Zlatan Plakalo

May 6, 2024

Tuesday, 22 Jan 2019 --> Last Updated : 2024-05-27 13:00:00

Group News Sites

Sunday Times

Tamil Mirror

Middleast Lankadeepa

Life Online

Home delivery

Advertise with us

Mobile Apps

Mon, 27 May 2024 Today's Paper

Death of Ambassador: Sri Lanka extends all assistance to French authorities

26 May 2024 10:43 pm - 2     - {{hitsCtrl.values.hits}}

"The Ministry of Foreign Affairs learns with deepest sorrow of the sudden demise of His Excellency Jean- François Pactet, Ambassador of France to Sri Lanka and the Maldives. The Ministry is in close coordination with the French Embassy in Sri Lanka at this time of grief," the Ministry said.

The funeral arrangements will be notified by the authorities in due course, a statement issued by the Foreign Ministry said.

  Comments - 2

S.P.Ramkumar Sunday, 26 May 2024 11:07 PM

RIP, and it may new experience to us as Sri Lanka.

Reply 0       0 0       0 -->

Ram Monday, 27 May 2024 05:20 AM

Deepest sympathies to his family and the French Government. Action must be taken to eliminate foul play. It can happen from any quarter

Add comment Comments will be edited (grammar, spelling and slang) and authorized at the discretion of Daily Mirror online. The website also has the right not to publish selected comments.

Name - Reply Comment

RECOMMENDED

Did BASL misappropriate monies sent by JICA for anti-corruption programme?

Proposed wage hike Estate workers appreciated or trapped in election promise?

‘Spike in blast fishing’ poses renewed threats to Sri Lanka’s marine ecosystems

UDA owned land in Thalawathugoda; UDA Minister Prasanna Ranatunga under the spotlight for forceful occupation of reserved land

For a long time, accusations have been made against Urban Development and Hou

Loss-making SMIB faces political pressure in recovering loans

The state-run loss-making State Mortgage & Investment Bank (SMIB) has reveale

Baltimore Bridge Collapse: MV Dali, SL authorities anchored in mystery?

US authorities are currently reviewing the manifest of every cargo aboard MV

Has Sri Lanka become a potential hub for the illegal wildlife trade?

On March 26, a couple arriving from Thailand was arrested with 88 live animal

Most Viewed in News

Police respond to video on interprovincial travel concerns.

MasterChef finalist credits Sri Lankan heritage for love of food

Sarath Fonseka to split from SJB; to run for President

Ranil meets Elon Musk

Arrest of four persons over War Dead Commemoration: Sri Lankan authorities in Canada in dilemma

Elon Musk to visit Sri Lanka this year to launch Starlink

MIRROR CRICKET

Russel Arnold among Australia’s Multicultural Ambassadors

22 May 2024 - 2     - 2681

Starc stars as Kolkata thrash Hyderabad to reach IPL final

21 May 2024 - 3     - 1653

All teams retained and pre-signed maximum players ahead of LPL auction

21 May 2024 - 0     - 1077

Kusal Mendis secures visa to USA after delay

21 May 2024 - 8     - 2273

TODAY'S HEADLINES

Youth with special needs observe sil to mark vesak.

3 hours ago

Five arrested in Alawatugoda Police drug trafficking raid

No jvp member has joined sjb: anura kumara refutes sjb claims says the individual in question is an slfp member, homagama police bust prison drug smuggling ring.

Kolkata Knight Riders win IPL 2024 to clinch third title

26 May 2024

Michael Clarke named Brand Ambassador for LPL 2024

SLC denies corruption allegations involving its officials in LPL

24 May 2024

Mendis and Fernando join T20 World Cup squad in USA after visa delay

27th May, 2024

Sri Lanka shooting for Starlink

26 May 2024 | By Maure Navaratnarajan

Starlink has become a buzzword in Sri Lanka ever since President Ranil Wickremesinghe announced his commitment to fast-track the Starlink launch application process. Meanwhile, this announcement has been accompanied by terms such as ‘costly,’ ‘unaffordable,’ ‘exclusive,’ and ‘challenging’. 

Although Starlink has only recently become a much-discussed topic in Sri Lanka, preliminary engagement with SpaceX was initiated several years ago to explore the introduction of Starlink internet services in Sri Lanka. The first round of discussions, which took place in late 2021, focused on regulatory aspects and prerequisites for initiating the service in the near future, as stated by the Telecommunications Regulatory Commission of Sri Lanka (TRCSL).

The Sunday Morning Business spoke to State Minister of Technology Kanaka Herath about process updates of the Starlink launch.

“We can confirm that preliminary discussions are underway with Starlink regarding the provision of its services in Sri Lanka. Starlink has formally applied for authorisation and the Government is actively evaluating its proposal. 

“The necessary regulatory framework and background work are in progress to facilitate a potential partnership. Although we are unable to disclose further details at this stage, we will provide updates as the situation develops,” said the State Minister.

While having a well-established and popular internet constellation like Starlink in Sri Lanka would lead to the inclusion of the country on Starlink’s availability map, it is essential to examine the necessity, usage, and affordability of the process.

The Sunday Morning Business spoke to Federation of Information Technology Industry Sri Lanka (FITIS) Chairman Indika De Zoysa, who assured that the launch and usage of Starlink in Sri Lanka were indeed practical because, as a global technology, many other countries were using it as well. 

Necessity for Starlink in Sri Lanka

Sri Lanka’s current internet operators have a highly robust coverage across the nation, with local prices being competitive even in the global market. Broadband, for instance, is considered affordably priced in the country, which is also regarded as having excellent penetration for mobile phones and telecommunications with all the operators available. 

Moreover, 3G and 4G coverage has reached 90% of the country, apart from the natural parks, forests, and less populated areas. This ensures 3G and 4G access in almost any part of the country, whilst good fibre ring networks are also available across the country. Accordingly, Sri Lanka’s internet coverage can be considered reasonably robust at the moment. 

Nevertheless, bringing in new technologies will be helpful. Taking the fishing communities as an example, when fishers out at sea travel beyond telecommunication coverage, additional coverage will be of assistance in staying connected to those on land. In addition, in some rural areas, jungles, or other places without coverage, StarLink technology could be utilised to provide such coverage. 

No infrastructure needed

Since Startlink relies on satellite communication, there is no requirement for infrastructure to be established. The user only needs to set up the Startlink box, which consists of a base, router, Starlink cable, and AC cable.

FITIS Chairman De Zoysa asserted, however, that the regulations needed to be focused on launching and implementing Starlink in Sri Lanka.

When The Sunday Morning Business spoke to Kapruka Holdings Founder and Chairman Dulith Herath, he pointed out that the existing regulations needed to be changed because Starlink was designed in such a way that it would alongside local telecommunication companies rather than compete with them.

He further said that having access to Starlink was similar to having access to Netflix, Apple Pay, and other technologies in Sri Lanka, which were global services that would eventually be available worldwide. Therefore, the sooner we caught up, the better, he added.

“Connectivity is the main problem Starlink will solve. Once you have better connectivity, it can solve or improve any connector-related problem. In addition, Starlink will have a significant impact on businesses especially,” Kapruka Holdings Chairman Herath noted.

Need for TRCSL approval

Independent cybersecurity consultant and privacy advocate Asela Waidyalankara highlighted the importance of TRCSL approval in launching Starlink in Sri Lanka. With Starlink having been in discussions with the TRCSL since 2021, he said that getting the commission’s approval was the first hurdle.

He noted that Starlink used satellite technology to beam the internet directly to a unit known as the Starlink box, through which the user could use high-speed internet. He further stated that there were inherent pros and cons to using such a technology.

Cost concerns 

The official Starlink website states that the service costs $ 150 per month and $ 599 for hardware.

Speaking to The Sunday Morning Business, technology expert Kalinga Athulathmudali asserted that Starlink would be costly in Sri Lanka.

“Some regional costs are given for specific areas, but we are yet to know the price for Sri Lanka. We may not receive any special pricing. While getting the coverage and having that option are good things, the cost of acquisition is where the problem comes in. The people who can actually afford it can access better options,” he noted.

Although no infrastructure is needed, Athulathmudali highlighted that the Starlink box consumed a significant amount of power – 100 W on average – which would contribute to the cost of electricity.

The legality behind specific actions of the TRCSL was another cause for concern because Sri Lanka had a history of the Government blocking social media and Starlink was likely to have differing views on this, he noted. In addition, the service required a clear view of the sky to function properly and was weather-dependent, making it challenging to use it in apartments, Athulathmudali pointed out.

“Having Starlink as an option in the country is a great thing. However, it’s important to note that it primarily serves a niche segment. While many people might assume that satellite connections are fast, the reality is that they are often quite slow and not fast enough for businesses. Furthermore, Starlink is not a viable alternative to traditional broadband,” he said.

While having access to cutting-edge technology such as Starlink is highly beneficial, International Telecommunication Union (ITU) reports indicate that Sri Lanka ranks reasonably well in global affordability for its broadband and mobile data, being considered among the cheapest in the world. Despite this, there is a digital divide in the country, which is the gulf between those who have ready access to computers and the internet and those who do not, while some lack broadband access simply because it is unaffordable.  

“The prices will not be attractive to users in Sri Lanka because they are comparatively high and are in dollars. When the dollar rises, the bill will also increase, unlike with the existing telecommunications or communication service providers,” Waidyalankara emphasised.

Usage and practical difficulties

Waidyalankara further pointed out particular instances where Starlink could be used in an efficient manner: “Although the coverage in the country is about 80%, there are specific areas lacking cellular towers – for example, nature reserves like Wilpattu and Yala. Imagine a scientist conducting research or gathering data in such areas. In such situations, Starlink would be effective for research purposes,” he highlighted.

He also noted that Starlink would be beneficial during a disaster scenario such as a tsunami or when cellular towers were malfunctioning, leaving a vacuum in terms of connectivity and communication. This made Starlink a good use case for disaster recovery situations, he highlighted. He added that it could also be used for connectivity purposes for certain commercial vessels heading out to sea. 

Waidyalankara shared that specific practical difficulties of Starlink had been brought to attention by other countries such as South Africa, noting that the internet speed of Starlink would be affected by cloud cover or rain unlike traditional broadband, which posed no such challenge for consumers.

“Starlink is a welcome addition to Sri Lanka’s connectivity landscape. However, one must not assume that it is something that will solve all our connectivity problems,” Waidyalankara pointed out.

Focusing on bridging the digital divide

Despite the benefits of having Starlink within our telecommunications ecosystem, it is essential to focus on bridging the digital divide in the country as well. 

“There are over 10,000 schools in the country, including those in rural areas, and not all have broadband connectivity. We can give them fibre connectivity, which is cheaper for the Government, and more stable in terms of connectivity for learning and development activities,” Waidyalankara noted.

He asserted that implementing Starlink may not be the most pragmatic solution in order to bridge the divide between those who had connectivity and those without. 

“Connectivity is just one pillar in the digitisation journey. There’s a lot more that needs to be done. Therefore, policymakers must think of this in a very pragmatic manner,” Waidyalankara asserted.

Starlink is now available in Indonesia, which has a good strategy for closing the digital divide. He noted that this may represent the best mode of involvement with Starlink. 

“We must be more nuanced in our policy approach to close the digital divide. If we close this divide, we will be closer to our development goals. Policy consistency and focus are some of the key criteria for doing this. Starlink is a welcome development, but it should be looked at within a larger picture,” Waidyalankara stated.

Meanwhile, speaking to The Sunday Morning Business , Information and Communication Technology Agency of Sri Lanka (ICTA) Chief Executive Officer (CEO) Mahesh Perera said that they were currently focusing on two products – the Lanka Government Network (LGN) and the Lanka Government Cloud (LGC) – both of which they were working on maintaining and expanding to the next level. 

Discover Kapruka, the leading online shopping platform in Sri Lanka, where you can conveniently send Gifts and Flowers to your loved ones for any event. Explore a wide range of popular Shopping Categories on Kapruka, including Toys, Groceries, Electronics, Birthday Cakes, Fruits, Chocolates, Automobile, Mother and Baby Products, Clothing, and Fashion. Additionally, Kapruka offers unique online services like Money Remittance, Astrology, Medicine Delivery, and access to over 700 Top Brands. Also If you’re interested in selling with Kapruka, Partner Central by Kapruka is the best solution to start with. Moreover, through Kapruka Global Shop, you can also enjoy the convenience of purchasing products from renowned platforms like Amazon and eBay and have them delivered to Sri Lanka. Send love straight to their heart this Valentine's with our thoughtful gifts!

More News..

EssayEmpire

Sri lanka essay.

The island nation of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka gained independence from British rule on February 4, 1948. The country followed a nonaligned foreign policy and participated in various world bodies such as the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the Asian Development Bank.

Sri Lanka also became a member of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). For 10 years the country was ruled by the United National Party (UNP) of Don Stephen Senanayake (1884–1952). After facing hardship under a socialist economy, Sri Lanka became the first country in South Asia to liberalize its economy.

The government passed the 1956 Sinhala Only Act, which made Sinhala the official language. The onslaught of Singhalese nationalism marginalized the Tamils. The Tamils, living in the north and east, constituted about 18 percent of the population. They feared dominance by the Sinhala majority, who were 74 percent of the population. A separatist movement was launched, resulting in confrontation between the two communities.

The concept of Tamil Elam (homeland) was broached by several Tamil militant groups. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), under the leadership of Velupillai Prabhakaran, was emerging as the leading militant group. A large-scale riot broke out in 1977, and in the 1980s civil war broke out. Terrorist attacks by the LTTE and riots became common. Indian premier Rajiv Gandhi was assassinated by Tamil militants in the state of Tamil Nadu, India. The president of Sri Lanka, Ranasinghe Premadasa, also was assassinated in Colombo.

After two decades of bloodshed, there was a formal cease-fire in February 2002 under the auspices of the government of Norway. Chandrika Bandaranaike of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party became president. Meanwhile, the country was devastated by a tsunami in 2004. A lasting solution to the ethnic conflict had proved illusory, and large-scale human rights violations were committed by the army and the LTTE. Civil war began again in 2005, and violence continued in 2006. Peace talks were held in February and April 2006 in Geneva, but these did not produce any concrete results. In July and August 2006 there was heavy fighting in the Muslim-dominated Muttur region.

Bibliography:

• Rotberg, Robert I. Creating Peace in Sri Lanka. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution Press, 1999;
• Tambiah, Stanley J. Sri Lanka: Ethnic Fratricide and the Dismantling of Democracy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991;
• Woost, Michael D. and Deborah Winslow. Economy, Culture, and Civil War in Sri Lanka. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2004.

This example Sri Lanka Essay is published for educational and informational purposes only. If you need a custom essay or research paper on this topic please use our writing services. EssayEmpire.com offers reliable custom essay writing services that can help you to receive high grades and impress your professors with the quality of each essay or research paper you hand in.

• How to Write a History Essay
• History Essay Topics
• History Essay Examples

ORDER HIGH QUALITY CUSTOM PAPER

Special offer!

GET 10% OFF WITH  24START  DISCOUNT CODE

Related posts.

Related Essay Topics

• Essay On If I Were The President Of Usa
• Hillary Clinton For President Essay
• If I Was A President Essay
• Essay About Ho Chi Minh President
• If I Was President For A Day Essay
• If I Were The President Of India Essay
• If I Will Be A President Essay
• President Nixon Essay
• Remarks By The President On Economic Mobility Essay
• Donald Trump As President Essay
• Is America Ready For A Female President Essay
• Is South Africa Ready For A Woman President Essay
• Was George Washington A Good President Essay
• Why Should Donald Trump Be President Essay
• Essay On Apj Abdul Kalam The People's President
• If I Were A President Essay For Kids
• Imperial Presidency Essay
• Leadership Of President Duterte Essay
• Abraham Lincoln Best President Essay
• Essay About Presidents
• How Much Power Should The President Have Essay
• If I Were President I Would Essay
• Is Donald Trump A Good President Essay
• Rodrigo Duterte As A President Essay
• War On Drugs Of President Duterte Essay
• Was Lincoln A Good President Essay
• Was Thomas Jefferson A Good President Essay
• Who Was The Best President Essay
• Why Donald Trump Should Be President Essay
• All The President's Men Essay
• Andrew Jackson Presidency Essay
• Argumentative Essay About President Duterte
• Best President Essay
• Class President Speech Essays
• Duterte As President Essay
• Essay On Why Donald Trump Should Be President
• Ideal President Essay
• If I Were President Essay
• If I Were The President Of India Essay In Hindi
• Powers Of The President Essay
• President Duterte Essay
• President Obama Essay
• Was President Roosevelt Justified In Ordering Executive Order 9066 Essay
• Was Ronald Reagan A Good President Essay
• Why Hillary Clinton Should Be President Essay
• A Day In The Life Of A President Essay
• Barack Obama First Black President Essay
• Best President Of The Philippines Essay
• Class President Essay
• Critical Essay Analyzing The Type Of Leadership Of The President
• Donald Trump Presidency Essay
• Donald Trump President Essay
• Duterte As A President Essay
• Essay About Donald Trump As President
• Essay About President Duterte
• Essay For Student Council President
• Essay On Andrew Jackson's Presidency
• Essay On Donald Trump As President
• Essay On Donald Trump Being President
• Essay On Donald Trump Running For President
• Essay On If I Were The President Of My Country
• Essay On Our New President
• Essay On Our President
• Essay On President
• Essay On President Of India
• Essay On Why Hillary Clinton Should Be President
• Female President Essay
• George Washington Best President Essay
• If I Was President Essay
• If I Were A President Essay
• If I Were A President Essay In English
• If I Were President Essay Contest
• If I Were President Essay Ideas
• If I Were President Essay Samples
• If I Were The President Of The Philippines Essay
• If I Were The President Of Usa Essay
• Is The President Too Powerful Essay
• Memo To The President Essay
• My Favorite President Essay
• My Ideal President Essay
• Our Country Is Ready For A Female President Essay
• President Essay Examples
• President Essay In English
• President Essay Topics
• President For A Day Essay
• Presidents Day Essay
• Qualities Of A Good President Essay
• Roles Of The President Essay
• Ronald Reagan Best President Essay
• School President Speech Essays
• Student Council President Essay
• Vice President Essay For Student Council
• Was Andrew Jackson A Good President Essay
• Was Jfk A Good President Essay
• What Makes A Good President Essay
• What Would You Do If You Were President Essay
• Who Was The Best Us President Essay
• Why Abraham Lincoln Was A Good President Essay
• Why Andrew Jackson Was A Good President Essay

OF SRI LANKA

• Biography of the Hon. Speaker
• Directory of Members
• Party Composition of the Parliament
• Political Parties
• Directory of Past Members

Qualifications to be elected as a Member of Parliament

• Nomination Requirements
• Conduct of the Elections
• The Electoral System
• International and Regional Parliamentary Associations
• Allowances and Benefits
• Acts & Bills
• Committee Reports
• Ministerial Consultative Committees
• Committees for Special Purposes
• Select Committees
• Legislative Standing Committee
• Sectoral Oversight Committees
• Sub Committees
• Caucuses and Other Committees
• National Council
• Parliamentary Questions
• Parliament Live - On-demand
• Parliament Live
• Committee Live
• Committee Live - On-demand
• Corrected Hansards (Volumes)
• Order Books
• Papers Presented by the Speaker
• Order Papers
• Order of Business
• Minutes of Parliament
• Papers Presented
• Reports of Ministerial Consultative Committees
• Monthly Reports of Consultative Committees
• Decisions of the Supreme Court
• Standing Orders
• Order of Business of Parliament
• Sitting Days and Hours
• Rules for Parliament Debates
• How to Vote?
• Purposes of Voting
• Adjournment Motions - Introduction
• Adjournment Motions - Rules & Procedure
• Private Members' Motions
• The Legislative Power of Parliament
• Prorogation
• Ceremonial Opening
• Government Bills
• Private Members' Bills
• Functions pertaining to the Legislative Standing Committee & Select Committees
• Appropriation Bill (The Budget)
• Chamber Seating
• Parliament (Powers and Privileges) Act
• Evolution of the Parliamentary System
• Heads of State
• Prime Ministers
• Deputy Speakers and Chairmen of Committees
• Deputy Chairpersons of Committees
• Leaders of the House
• Leaders of the Opposition
• Chief Government Whips
• Chief Opposition Whips
• Lady Members
• Secretaries-General of Parliament
• Duration of Parliament
• Sessions of Parliament
• Dates of Elections
• Referendums
• Secretary-General of Parliament
• Department of the Serjeant-at-Arms
• Department of Administration
• Hansard Department
• Department of the Co-ordinating Engineer
• Department of Catering and Housekeeping
• Department of Information Systems and Management
• Department of Legislative Services
• Department of Finance & Supplies
• Department of Communication
• Procurement / Tenders
• Advertisements
• Parliament Newsletter
• Parliament Secretariat
• Office of the Hon. Speaker
• Plans and Performance Reports
• Research Journals
• "Parlimenthu Sàra Sanhithà"
• Visiting Parliament
• Documentary on Parliament
• Chamber Tour
• Image Gallery
• Committee Rooms
• Souvenir Shop
• Discussion Forum
• Contact your MP
• Contact Secretariat
• External Access
• Parliament Education Centre

Article 90 of the Constitution sets down the basic provision that every person who is qualified to be a voter is also qualified to be elected as a Member of Parliament unless such person is disqualified under the specific provisions enumerated in Article 91. They are:

If the person is the President of the Republic or is a judicial officer or a public officer or an officer of a public corporation as specified in the Constitution (it is to be noted that the disqualification in respect of public officers and officers of public corporations is laid down with reference to the initial of the salary scale attaching to the post held by that person as at 18.11.1970 or on the first date such post was established if the post was established after 18.11.1970. On this basis it is laid down that if the initial salary is more than Rs. 7,200/= per annum the disqualification will apply)

If such person is a member of the Police, Army, Navy or Air Force

If he has been declared as an undischarged bankrupt or insolvent in terms of the applicable law

If such person has an interest in a contract made on behalf of the state or public corporation as may be prescribed by Parliament (it is to be noted that the Parliament has not prescribed the contracts that would attract this disqualification. However, the Supreme Court has held that the relevant disqualification as contained in the previous Constitution will apply)

If a person stands nominated as a candidate for more than one electoral district or as a candidate for more than one political party or group for the same district

Share This On

Quick Links

Parliament calendar.

Mailing List Subscription

• Related Links
• Socio - Cultural Events
• The System of Elections in Sri Lanka
• Business of Parliament
• [modid=215]
• secretariatmenu[modid=188]
• Right to Information

Copyright © The Parliament of Sri Lanka. All Rights Reserved.

Monday May 27, 2024

Group News Sites

Dailymirror

Sunday Times

Tamil Mirror

Middleast Lankadeepa

Life Online

Home delivery

Advertise with us

Granting of land rights opens doors to progress: President

Monday, 27 May 2024 00:50 -     - {{hitsCtrl.values.hits}}

• President distributes 1,286 land deeds in Jaffna district through the “Urumaya” program
• Says Sri Lanka, the only nation in South Asia offering free land ownership to its citizens
• Reveals funds have been earmarked for the construction of homes in Northern province next year
• Substantial reduction in the size of the high-security zone in Jaffna

President Ranil Wickremesinghe on Saturday emphasised the confirmation of land rights for the people, ensuring avenues for progress. He highlighted Sri Lanka’s unique status as the sole South Asian nation offering free land rights to its citizens. Encouraging recipients to safeguard the freehold deeds from the “Heritage” program for future generations, he made these remarks the Saturday’s ceremony, where land deeds were bestowed upon the residents of the Jaffna district. A total of 1,286 freehold deeds, encompassing all 15 Divisional Secretariat divisions within the Jaffna district, were distributed to the people, with the President symbolically participating in the awarding ceremony. Furthermore, under the “Urumaya” program, 13,858 freehold deeds are scheduled for distribution across the Mullaitivu, Kilinochchi, Vavuniya, and Mannar districts of the Northern Province. During his address at the ceremony, President Ranil Wickremesinghe announced the revival of the Northern Province housing project, stalled by the recent economic downturn, commencing next year. He highlighted this free land title initiative as a crucial step, alongside noting the ‘Urumaya’ program as the nation’s largest privatisation endeavour. Wickremesinghe, elaborating further, also emphasised the initiation of a program aimed at providing free land rights to the nation’s people. “Our objective is to extend this initiative across all regions of the island, ensuring every individual is liberated and granted land rights in their respective areas of residence,” he stated. The President in his address also said the following: “While the distribution of deeds marks a significant milestone, our commitment extends to future endeavours. Recognising the staffing constraints within the Land Commissioner’s Department, which have led to some delays, I have authorised the recruitment of 100 new personnel for the Land Commissioner’s Office and 150 for the Surveying Department. This strategic augmentation will enable us to execute this program with utmost efficiency moving forward. The land issue has disproportionately impacted the Northern and Eastern Provinces, affecting not only those settled on government lands but also individuals who lost their land during the conflict. There are two critical issues requiring resolution, as discussed with representatives from the North and East regions on numerous occasions. In collaboration with the security forces, all lands within protected areas have been released and restored to the public. Furthermore, instructions have been issued to the security forces to retain only the necessary land and return the surplus to civilian use. Addressing the matter of land acquired from the Forestry Department, this issue extends beyond the North East, encompassing the Southern Province as well. As a policy decision, we have opted to classify areas identified as forests in the 1985 map as such, while considering the remaining lands as non-forest areas. Discussions are underway, and directives have been issued to relinquish certain lands. Significant portions of land are also under the control of the Department of Archaeology. The Government has resolved to return these lands, excluding those essential for archaeological endeavours. Hence, efforts are underway to facilitate the release of all such lands. Furthermore, there has been a substantial reduction in the size of the high-security zone in Jaffna. The Ministry of Defence has opted to release additional lands following a specialised survey. Moreover, a portion of the land belonging to religious sites within the high-security zone has already been relinquished. These measures are aimed at affirming the land rights of all citizens and fostering avenues for progress. Additionally, owing to the economic challenges of the past two years, the residents of this province have faced difficulties in securing funds for much-needed housing construction. However, I am pleased to announce that this initiative will resume next year. It’s worth noting that the distribution of these free deeds is part of this program. The allocation of freehold deeds can be regarded as the largest privatisation effort in our nation. While countries like Japan and Korea have not granted free land rights to their citizens, opting instead for subsidised purchasing options, our country is committed to providing free land rights. This distinction underscores our dedication to empowering our people through land ownership. We have successfully executed this program spanning from Point Pedro to Dewundara Thuduwa and from Batticaloa to Negombo. The people of Sri Lanka, irrespective of their ethnicity or faith, have historically cherished land ownership. Today, you have been granted that privilege. I urge you to recognise the importance of safeguarding this land and ensuring its transmission to future generations.” 

• Share full article

Uncovering the brutal career of a crucial American ally.

And the hidden truths of the war in Afghanistan.

America’s Monster Who was Abdul Raziq?

Supported by

Who Was Abdul Raziq?

Uncovering the brutal career of a crucial American ally — and the hidden truths of the war in Afghanistan.

By Matthieu Aikins

Photographs by Victor J. Blue

I first heard about Abdul Raziq in early 2009, when I was a young freelance journalist newly arrived in southern Afghanistan. By chance, I had befriended two drug smugglers who told me that a powerful police commander in the area was helping them ship two metric tons of opium to Iran each month. Raziq, I learned, had a fearsome reputation in his hometown, Spin Boldak, on the border with Pakistan. Everyone I spoke to knew about the Taliban suspects tortured and dumped in the desert. Just as they knew that Raziq was a close ally of the U.S. military. My smuggler friends had offered to introduce me to Raziq, and 10 days after my arrival in Spin Boldak, he returned to town for his grandmother’s funeral.

Listen to this article, read by Peter Ganim

When I arrived at Raziq’s compound, I saw him sitting cross-legged on a carpeted platform, receiving a long line of guests. He was not what I expected. Trim and cheerful, clean-shaven and barely 30, he wasn’t much older than I, yet he was leading several thousand men under arms. I reached the front of the line, and Raziq shook my hand to welcome me before turning to the next guest. We would never get the chance to meet again, but that was the beginning of my long quest to understand the paradox he represented.

As inexperienced as I was, I knew enough to be puzzled by Raziq’s success. Why was the U.S. military, which was supposed to be supporting democracy and human rights in Afghanistan, working closely with a drug trafficker and murderer? One of his commanders, his uncle Janan, even wore a U.S. Army uniform given to him by his advisers, complete with a First Infantry Division patch and the Stars and Stripes.

Thanks to American patronage, Raziq was promoted to police chief of Kandahar and would eventually rise to the rank of three-star general. Famous across Afghanistan, he became the country’s most polarizing figure. The Taliban hated him, of course, but so did the ordinary people his commanders and soldiers extorted and abused. Journalists and human rights groups assembled damning evidence against him and warned that his brutality would backfire.

But Raziq beat back the suicide bombers and brought stability to Kandahar. In doing so, he became an icon for many war-weary Afghans who sought security at all costs. In a nation divided by ethnic and regional loyalties, you could find Raziq’s photo in taxis and at checkpoints from north to south. And he never lost his American backing: When he was assassinated by the Taliban in 2018, he was walking next to the top U.S. commander, Gen. Austin S. Miller. That day, it seemed as if half the country was in mourning; Miller hailed him as a friend and patriot.

Three years later, the United States withdrew, and the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan collapsed. I was working as a journalist in Kabul at the time, and as soon as the dust settled, I went south to Kandahar. With the fighting over, I was able to visit people and places nearly impossible to access before. Here was a chance to reckon with Raziq’s legacy. I met with survivors of torture inside his prisons and visited morgues where skeletons had been unearthed from desert graves. Like a great tree in a storm, the republic had toppled and exposed the hidden places among its roots. The American war was far more brutal than we had known.

Since then, over repeated trips to the war’s fiercest battlegrounds, I found that many of Raziq’s former police officers were willing to talk about the torture, execution and cover-ups they witnessed. I also spoke with a dozen American military officers and diplomats who worked with Raziq and obtained new documents through a Freedom of Information Act lawsuit and other sources, which reveal just how much the American government knew about Raziq’s crimes. And with colleagues at The Times, I interviewed hundreds of witnesses and discovered a republican archive that exposed Afghanistan’s largest campaign of forced disappearances since the Communist coup in 1978. We documented 368 cases of people who were still missing after being abducted by Raziq’s men; the true toll was most likely in the thousands.

The scale of Raziq’s abuses, carried out with American support, was shocking. But the fact that they seem to have brought security to Kandahar has even more disturbing implications. Raziq’s story complicates the comforting belief that brutality always backfires and undermines the U.S. military’s claim to have fought according to international law. Raziq’s violence was effective because it had a logic particular to the kind of civil war that the United States found in Afghanistan, one where the people, and not the terrain, were the battlefield. The reasons for this are well documented by scholars of civil war and counterinsurgency but glossed over by our generals and politicians and obscured by the myths of American exceptionalism and our righteous war on terror.

But Raziq saw those reasons clearly. He murdered and tortured because he believed it was the only way to win against the Taliban. And America helped him do it.

Two harsh realities defined Raziq’s childhood: the war and the border.

The desert around Spin Boldak and its twinned Pakistani town, Chaman, stretches westward hundreds of miles to Iran, through vast wastes and dune seas crossed by nomads. The clans of two rival Pashtun tribes dominate the area, feuding like Hatfields and McCoys of the borderlands. Raziq was from the Achakzai, who competed with the Noorzai over land and smuggling routes.

Not long after Raziq was born in a mud-walled village, the Afghan Communists seized power in Kabul, and in response rebels rose up against the government, plunging the country into a conflict that lasted for more than four decades. Although both superpowers and neighbors like Pakistan and Iran intervened for their own ends, at heart this was a civil war fought by Afghans against Afghans for control of the state. Even at the peaks of the Soviet and American occupations, Afghans constituted a majority of casualties on each side.

In times of civil war, neighbors are often at one another’s throats because of local dynamics, even if they justify their actions through religion or nationalism. In Kandahar, many Noorzai joined with the mujahedeen rebels, who were supplied by the C.I.A. and the Pakistani military, while Raziq’s Achakzai relatives eventually sided with the Soviet-backed Communists. Raziq was still a boy when the war brought grief to his home: His father, who drove people and goods to the border, disappeared. His family was never able to find his body and blamed their tribal rivals. “The Noorzai did it,” said Ayub Kakai, Raziq’s uncle. “They threw him down a well.”

In 1991, after the Soviets cut off funding, the Communist government collapsed. Kandahar’s rival warlords carved up the province with a patchwork of checkpoints, where robbery and rape were common. Raziq’s uncle Mansoor took control on the road from Spin Boldak to the city, and Raziq, by then a teenager, joined him, attracted to the thrills of war. “Raziq loved cars and guns,” his younger cousin Arafat told me.

Three years later, an armed movement of religious students known as the Taliban rose in the farmlands west of Kandahar City and swept through the province, capturing Raziq and his uncle. They hung Mansoor from the barrel of a tank but spared young Raziq, who fled with his family across the border to Chaman. For seven years in exile, Raziq worked as a driver near the border, where he peddled used car parts.

Then came Sept. 11, 2001. For the Achakzai, the Americans’ decision to invade and depose the Taliban came as a miraculous reversal of fortune. That December, the C.I.A. and Special Forces assembled an army of exiles, with many Achakzai, including Raziq, among them. With the help of U.S. air power, they routed the Taliban and seized control of Kandahar, once again trading places with their Noorzai rivals, who escaped across the border to where the Pakistani military, playing a double game, gave them safe haven.

In the new republic, the Achakzai militia was transformed into the area’s Border Police. They partnered with American troops and were trained by contractors from Blackwater and DynCorp. Like the rest of the republican forces, their weapons, ammunition and salaries were paid for by the United States and its allies. But beneath the surface, the civil war still festered, even though the Americans saw it through stark binaries: the government versus the terrorists, the Afghans versus the Taliban.

“Our viewpoint was this was a war on terrorism or a war against a group trying to overthrow a democratic government,” said Carter Malkasian, a former State Department official who advised the U.S. military in Afghanistan for more than a decade. “We don’t want to view this as us getting involved in another country’s civil war.”

Thanks to his family connections, Raziq quickly rose through the ranks. He was a natural leader who fought fearlessly and earned the loyalty of his men. Although nearly illiterate, he had a capacious memory for places and faces and was a canny operator in the spy games and smuggling rings of the borderlands, using his illicit gains to fund a growing network of sources. Early on, Raziq learned that power would earn him money, which bought the intelligence that could attract U.S. patronage, giving him more power. American officers who worked in Spin Boldak remembered Raziq as an eager and valued partner in the hunt for the Taliban and Al Qaeda.

“My brother was very close to the Americans,” said Tadin Khan, Raziq’s younger brother. “They trusted him, and he never tried to deceive them.”

Tadin Khan, Raziq’s younger brother, in Dubai last year. “I didn’t believe it when I heard he was killed,” he said. “It was a hard day.”

Gul Seema, the first wife of Raziq, in 2023. “He was under a lot of pressure. Whenever I saw him, it seemed as if the shadow of death was looming over him,” says Seema.

Raziq was as generous with his friends and family as he was ruthless with his enemies. Not long after the Achakzai appointed him leader of their militia, Raziq’s older brother, Bacha, was gunned down in the bazaar in Chaman. “Bacha and Raziq were very close,” said Arafat, his cousin. “He was killed because of Raziq.”

Raziq blamed a tribal rival, a smuggler named Shin Noorzai. In March 2006, he kidnapped Shin and 15 people he was traveling with and shot them all in a dry riverbed near the border. The massacre led to a local outcry, and Raziq was summoned to Kabul. But President Hamid Karzai intervened to protect him, according to Western diplomats involved in the case, and he was never charged. (Through a spokesperson, Karzai declined to comment for this article.) The incident, however, made it into that year’s State Department report on human rights, the first public documentation of Raziq’s abuses.

Raziq’s role in the drug trade also attracted attention from American investigators. Although the Taliban had banned poppy cultivation, opium came roaring back under Karzai’s administration, and Spin Boldak sat on one of the main trafficking routes. Classified U.S. military and Drug Enforcement Administration reports, obtained through FOIA requests, described the involvement of Raziq and his men, detailing convoys in the desert, secret meetings and the use of green ink for letters of safe passage. One referred to Raziq as “the main drug smuggler in Spin Boldak.” (His brother Tadin denied that Raziq or anyone from his family was involved in drug trafficking, murder or other crimes. “All these accusations of corruption, smuggling and abuses are because of propaganda from the Taliban,” he said.)

As it turns out, by the time Raziq and I shook hands in 2009, the United States already knew he was accused of murder and smuggling but worked with him anyway. Yet Raziq’s position had become precarious, for the U.S. military’s concept of the war was changing. When I published an article about the accusations that fall, Raziq’s career had reached a dangerous point — one where his foreign patrons might have chosen to stop supporting him.

The U.S. war in Afghanistan was going badly. Faced with a growing insurgency that threatened the Afghan government’s survival, President Barack Obama ordered a surge of tens of thousands of troops. His generals had advised him that, fixated on the enemy, the United States had neglected the true battlefield: the hearts and minds of the Afghan people.

The surge would be guided by a military doctrine known as counterinsurgency theory, or COIN, which was held to have saved the day in Iraq. “Our strategy cannot be focused on seizing terrain or destroying insurgent forces; our objective must be the population,” Gen. Stanley A. McChrystal wrote upon taking command in 2009. The U.S.-led coalition “can no longer ignore or tacitly accept abuse of power, corruption or marginalization.”

According to “population-centric” COIN, the Afghan people had to be protected against the insurgency and motivated to support their own government. Criminal officials like Raziq threatened the legitimacy of the republic, and therefore the success of the war.

Given the hundreds of thousands of Afghans and Iraqis who died as result of the U.S. invasions, this emphasis on protecting civilians may seem hypocritical. But the laws of war, which forbid targeting noncombatants or harming prisoners, are essential to how the United States distinguishes its own use of force from that of rogue states and terrorists. “I believe the United States of America must remain a standard-bearer in the conduct of war,” Obama said as he accepted the Nobel Peace Prize the same year as the surge. “That is what makes us different from those whom we fight. That is a source of our strength.”

Since the decline of the antiwar movement after Vietnam, both the U.S. military and its liberal critics have become increasingly united in the conviction that war must be fought humanely by exempting civilians, as much as possible, from its violence — a shift, the historian Samuel Moyn has argued, that risks legitimizing endless war. Underpinning this is the assumption that there is no contradiction between waging war both lawfully and effectively. “The law of war is a part of our military heritage, and obeying it is the right thing to do,” states the U.S. military manual on the subject. “But we also know that the law of war poses no obstacle to fighting well and prevailing.”

In this vein, COIN reassured the American public that the surge would be just. Because the United States needed the support of the Afghan population, it could not just kill its way to victory. Brutality would backfire by producing more resistance. In a speech, McChrystal explained “COIN mathematics” : If a military operation killed two out of 10 insurgents, instead of eight remaining, that number was “more likely to be as many as 20, because each one you killed has a brother, father, son and friends.”

But while McChrystal took prompt steps to reduce civilian casualties from airstrikes, dealing with so-called bad actors like Raziq was not as simple. It turns out that the way the United States implemented its strategy provided a test of whether COIN really worked as promised.

The surge was focused on the two neighboring provinces in the south where Taliban activity was strongest. Both received roughly equivalent investments of troops and money. In Helmand, the Marines and the British pushed for the good governance prescribed by COIN, successfully pressuring Kabul to replace corrupt officials with technocrats.

“You didn’t have a power-broker-run government at the provincial level,” said Malkasian, who served as an adviser in Helmand. But the opposite proved true in Kandahar, where U.S. commanders prioritized security and encountered dogged pushback from Kabul on anticorruption efforts. “Kandahar was just more important for the Afghan political system, for Karzai, than Helmand was.”

As so often happened during the war, Washington’s grand strategy was interpreted by a multitude of American agencies and actors. In Kabul, specialized anticorruption and counternarcotics teams had Raziq in their sights. A D.E.A.-led republican unit seized an enormous stockpile of hashish in Spin Boldak and arrested a district police commander who ran narcotics shipments for Raziq. There were plans to go after him next.

But the Army officers working with Raziq saw things very differently. He and his men were a rare example of an effective, homegrown force that delivered security on a vital supply route. The U.S. commanders were in the middle of a high-stakes offensive against the Taliban, and their own troops’ lives were on the line. Karzai supported Raziq, and according to former military and intelligence officials, so did the C.I.A. With his cross-border networks, Raziq was a valuable source of intelligence on Taliban havens and bomb-making networks in Pakistan. And he could cross lines the United States couldn’t: A declassified military report from 2010 noted that Raziq was giving shelter to Baloch rebels fighting the Pakistani government and that he used “these tribesmen to carry out assassinations and killings in Pakistan.”

And so when, in February 2010, senior U.S. officials met to discuss action against corrupt Afghan officials, no one could agree on what to do about Raziq. “There was a lack of consensus,” according to Earl Anthony, who as deputy U.S. ambassador was a co-chair of the meeting. “Some highly valued his work on the security front against the Taliban.”

In the end, McChrystal, who declined to comment for this article, sided with his commanders on the ground. Raziq, they reasoned, could be mentored to change his ways. According to a leaked cable, the senior U.S. diplomat in Kandahar even offered to craft a media plan for him, including radio spots, billboards and “the longer-term encouragement of stories in the international media on the ‘reform’” of Raziq.

In March, McChrystal visited Raziq in Spin Boldak and posed beside him for television cameras. “I am very optimistic that with the plans that I’ve heard,” he said, as Raziq looked on smiling, “we can increase efficiency and decrease corruption.”

From that point on, the U.S. military would openly promote Raziq and make him an integral part of the surge. A series of personal advisers were brought in to coach and protect the young commander; the first was Jamie Hayes, who as a Special Forces lieutenant colonel led a team assigned to Raziq in July 2010. Shortly after he arrived, Hayes was ordered to help Raziq plan a major operation to clear Malajat, an outlying neighborhood of Kandahar City where the Taliban were entrenched.

At first, Hayes was puzzled about why Raziq and his Border Police were given the job, rather than the republican army or commandos. His superiors explained that it was a political decision by Karzai and the U.S. command. “This is a guy that we want to make successful,” Hayes recalled being told. “He’s an aggressive, strong leader that we want to make sure gets the chance to shine.”

Mazloom, a 33-year-old Taliban commander, in Panjwai District last year. He said he was tortured and blinded by a U.S.-backed militia commander from his village, who recognized him as an insurgent. “Because I wouldn’t confess,” Mazloom said, “he did this.”

John R. Allen, a retired four-star Marine general, at his home in Virginia in March. As the commander of American and allied forces in Afghanistan in 2011, Allen was confronted with evidence that Raziq’s forces were committing murder and torture. “That wasn’t why we were there fighting the war,” he said, “to keep a really bad criminal because he was helpful in fighting worse criminals.”

Raziq’s charisma undoubtedly played a role in why U.S. officers were so willing to support him. Like most of the Americans I spoke to who worked with Raziq, Hayes quickly took a shine to him. Raziq was full of enthusiasm and energy, and Hayes was especially impressed by how he seemed to genuinely care for the welfare of his men, unlike many other republican commanders.

For his part, Raziq was a careful student of his foreign patrons. “He liked to learn about what made Americans tick,” recalled Hayes, who said he was never shown evidence of Raziq’s massacres or drug smuggling. Raziq understood what American officers appreciated: hard work, aggression and loyalty. To show his gratitude, he even insisted on taking part in a medal ceremony for Hayes’s troops. “He knew them by name,” Hayes recalled.

Soon after a successful operation to clear Malajat, Hayes and his team were reassigned to train the police in the provincial capital. During the spring of 2011, the situation in Kandahar City was dire. The Taliban hammered the government with gunmen and suicide attacks and, in April, freed nearly 500 inmates after tunneling into the main prison. Police morale was abysmal. “Drug use was rampant,” Hayes said. “Discipline was poor.” In the same month as the prison break, a suicide bomber got inside police headquarters and killed the provincial commander. Hayes, who narrowly missed the bombing, helped put the chief in a body bag. He was the second in two years to be killed.

Cleaning up Kandahar might have been the toughest job in Afghanistan, and both Karzai and the U.S. command wanted Raziq to do it. He agreed to become police chief on one condition: He wanted to keep his position with the Border Police. He would wear both hats, so to speak, in order to maintain his power base in Spin Boldak and would bring his own men into the city. If Raziq was going to be sheriff in Kandahar, he was going to do it his way.

The battle Raziq faced in the provincial capital, a city of nearly 400,000, was very different from the rangy desert warfare in the borderlands: Here, a tribally and ethnically mixed population lived and worked in closely packed homes and narrow alleys, industrial zones and trucking warehouses. Hiding amid them, Taliban guerrillas, the cheriki , terrorized government supporters, leaving menacing “night letters,” assassinating civil servants and imams and deploying suicide bombers whose blasts tore apart crowded streets.

The first phase of the American COIN strategy in Kandahar had called for securing the capital. To that end, the U.S. military poured in resources, building a network of checkpoints and bases for republican forces and expanding the number of police districts from 10 to 16, each with its own substation chief. Trained and equipped by American troops and contractors, the Kandahar police more than doubled in size. Raziq was the fulcrum of it all: A team of American mentors lived next to his headquarters, and he met often with U.S. brass to coordinate operations.

Raziq’s underground enemies, the cheriki , relied on an extensive network of local supporters, many of whom cooperated out of religious and nationalist fervor. Rooting them out required accurate intelligence. And because Karzai had resisted creating a system of wartime detention, those who were caught had to be criminally prosecuted, convicted and sentenced.

But for Raziq, the republican courts, corrupt and easily intimidated, were a central reason the insurgency was thriving. Too often, Taliban suspects were freed and returned to the battlefield. In Spin Boldak, he had solved this problem by becoming judge, jury and executioner. For all their rhetoric about human rights and the laws of war, the foreigners had chosen him to pacify Kandahar. Actions spoke louder than words.

Raziq brought his Achakzai militia, in their distinct spotted uniforms, into the city and placed trusted lieutenants in key posts like the substations. Raziq didn’t seem to relish cruelty — I never heard stories of him personally torturing people, for instance — but he cultivated men who did. Some were his own cousins, like Jajo, who became notorious for the atrocities he committed as commander of District 8, a predominantly Noorzai area. (Jajo was assassinated in 2014.) According to police officers and internal United Nations documents, another relative from Spin Boldak ran death squads out of a special battalion at headquarters. “They had detective badges and guns,” one substation deputy told me. “They threw the bodies in the desert.”

These plainclothes teams roamed in cars with tinted windows, snatching suspects and taking them for da reg mela , “a sand picnic.” The desert wells and dunes hid countless corpses; others were dumped in the streets. Many bore signs of horrific torture. “I saw things which made me wonder whether a wild beast or man had done them,” Dr. Musa Gharibnawaz, who oversaw the city morgue as the director of forensic medicine, told me.

Those who survived to see formal detention were also tortured for confessions, which the courts relied on almost entirely for convictions. The police didn’t have the education or capacity to collect basic technical evidence, nor did most judges understand it. This problem was much broader than just Kandahar. The same year Raziq became police chief, investigators from the United Nations interviewed more than 300 detainees across Afghanistan and found that torture was widespread in republican detention. Their report documented beatings, electric shocks and the “twisting and wrenching” of genitals. The most severe abuses by the police were in Kandahar, where a follow-up report also noted a large number of bodies found with gunshot wounds to the chest and the head after Raziq took power; by contrast, the investigators found significantly less torture in Helmand, where the Marines had stuck to the COIN playbook.

The persistence of torture in the republic — which the U.N. continued to document until 2021 — illustrates how, in wartime, certain useful but prohibited acts can be implicitly authorized as regular practices. As the U.N. reporting makes clear, those accused of torture rarely faced punishment. Their work, which ceased after confession, was instrumental, unlike the gratuitous abuse meted out by poorly supervised American soldiers at the Abu Ghraib prison in Iraq.

In Kandahar, torture was exacerbated by the surge, which overloaded the court system with detainees captured by U.S. forces; one internal military report worried that it would most likely “produce more — perhaps far more — prisoners” than the main prison could handle. During the summer of 2011, as the U.N. prepared to publish its findings, intelligence reports from the south filtered up to Western diplomats and military leaders in Kabul. The torture of detainees had already led to scandals in Britain and Canada; now the U.S. command would be forced to take notice. For the third time in Raziq’s career, his job would hang in the balance as a result of his crimes.

On July 18, 2011, two months after Raziq became police chief, John R. Allen, then a four-star Marine general, took command of U.S. and allied forces in Afghanistan. He was shaking hands with his guests during the ceremony in Kabul when a trio of Western officials, led by a senior British diplomat, told him that they needed to speak immediately. It was about Raziq.

Alarmed by what he heard, Allen had his staff pull up the raw intelligence reporting, which described executions and torture by Raziq’s forces in Kandahar. “I wanted a sense of the frequency,” he told me. “The reporting was pretty standard and pretty awful. It had been going on for some time.”

Allen went to the presidential palace to see Karzai. “I said that he needed to be aware that he had a senior police commander who was a serial human rights violator, and he should remove him,” Allen told me.

But at that moment, Karzai needed Raziq more than ever. In the week before Allen arrived, two of the president’s most important allies in the south were killed, including his own brother. For years, Karzai had seen the United States waffle on corruption and human rights abuses, even as they partnered with warlords, and as he often had, he called the Americans’ bluff. At a follow-up meeting, Karzai told Allen that he had checked his own sources and hadn’t heard similar allegations.

Frustrated, Allen ordered the United States and its allies to stop transferring captives in the south. “Karzai wasn’t going to do anything about Raziq, and I couldn’t permit us to continue to feed detainees into his hands,” he told me. From then on, when he traveled to Kandahar, Allen made a point to dodge the young police chief, who was eager for a photo op. “I wasn’t going to play into Raziq’s hands and appear to be an ally of his under any circumstances.”

The State Department’s diplomats also avoided meeting Raziq. But that was as far as it went. “I don’t recall there was ever a serious push to remove Abdul Raziq,” said Ryan Crocker, the U.S. ambassador at the time. When Crocker later raised the issue with Karzai, the president responded that Raziq was working closely with the U.S. military. “He was basically saying, ‘Look, I’m told that he’s your guy,’” Crocker told me. “Which turned out to be true.”

Allen’s subordinates in Kandahar continued to fight side by side with Raziq and his officers. “The military guys, for the most part, had a different view of him on the ground, working with him day in and day out,” said Martin Schweitzer, who as a brigadier general served as the deputy U.S. commander in Kandahar.

Despite Leahy laws in the United States, which prohibit support to foreign military units credibly accused of human rights violations, Raziq continued to be ferried around in American aircraft, and his advisers ensured that he and his forces had the air support, fuel and ammunition they needed. “If I asked and it was for Raziq, mostly I was going to get it,” said David Webb, who as a colonel advised him on two separate tours in 2012 and 2017. Upon Webb’s arrival, he was given his orders in no uncertain terms by his superior, a two-star general. “He put his finger in my chest and said: ‘Don’t let Raziq die. That’s your mission,’” said Webb, whose predecessor was wounded while fighting off an attack on Raziq’s headquarters.

Both Webb and Schweitzer stressed that they never saw evidence of Raziq committing war crimes under their watch. “I was with him almost every single day from morning until night,” Webb told me. “I never saw anything bad.”

As an outsider, I often wondered how American officers, bound to uphold the laws of war, rationalized working with Raziq. His tactics in Kandahar — every mutilated corpse or disappeared person — were intended to send a message, to terrorize his enemies and those who might support them. And they were effective. When I visited Kandahar in those years, I found that most people on the streets knew exactly what was happening, even if they were too afraid to speak about it openly.

But Raziq also calibrated his actions so that they were deniable. According to former colleagues, he and his men took steps to conceal them from their American allies, like dumping corpses when dust storms obscured aerial surveillance or using veiled language over the phone. Sending someone to “Dubai” meant killing them in the desert. “His commanders would call and say: ‘We caught someone. What should we do?’ He’d say, ‘God forgive them.’ That was his code,” said a senior republican police general who worked with Raziq. “I heard it with my own ears on an operation.”

The farther you got from the streets and villages, the easier it was to ignore what was happening there. According to an interpreter who spent years translating Raziq’s meetings with his American advisers, the subject was generally avoided at headquarters. “The advisers didn’t care about Raziq’s bad activities,” he said. “We weren’t telling Raziq: ‘Hey, do you have private prisons? Do you still have people in there?’”

“I’m not saying they didn’t occur; I’m not saying they did occur,” Schweitzer said about the kinds of accusations that led Allen to halt detainee transfers. “I just know I read all the intel reports.” And whatever American officers chose to believe, they could see that Raziq was delivering where it counted: Within a year and half of his taking over, enemy-initiated attacks were down by almost two-thirds in Kandahar. “I thought he was an incredibly important figure,” Schweitzer said, “and was critical to keeping the security in the south.”

The COIN strategy was tested in the summer of 2014, when the Taliban began a bold offensive targeting the two southern provinces that had been the focus of American efforts. The surge had come to an end, and republican forces were supposed to take the lead in combat.

In Helmand, where the Marines tried to keep out abusive strongmen, the government’s defense was disastrously weak and uncoordinated. In many rural areas, the republican army stayed in their forts and allowed the police to be overrun. Despite the presence of a major American air base in the province, large sections of the northern districts fell into insurgent hands.

But when the Taliban pushed into western Kandahar, Raziq took charge and rallied republican forces. Backed by his advisers and American airstrikes, he inflicted heavy casualties. The following summer, insurgents again attacked and reached the outskirts of Helmand’s capital; Raziq led counteroffensives to lift sieges there and, the next year, in the neighboring Uruzgan province. “The Taliban have fled the area and escaped,” he boasted to a TV crew while touring the embattled district of Now Zad.

By 2017, Helmand was among the top three provinces most controlled by insurgents, according to U.S. military figures. And while the situation was deteriorating across the country, Kandahar City and its surroundings remained relatively secure under Raziq. Journalists and human rights groups had warned that supporting men like him would backfire and inspire resistance to the government. Yet here he was, holding the line against the Taliban.

A Taliban supporter whose husband was killed in battle. She used to aid the movement by smuggling weapons. “We tied pistols around our waists to get them through checkpoints,” she said.

Retired Special Forces Colonel Jamie Hayes was an advisor to General Abdul Raziq early in his rise to becoming one of the most powerful figures in southern Afghanistan.

Raziq was far from the only example: Again and again, the U.S. military felt compelled to partner with Afghan allies who were accused of human rights abuses, despite its doctrine of winning the war by winning hearts and minds. Call it the COIN paradox; for years it puzzled me, until I came across the work of the political scientist Stathis Kalyvas, who offered a convincing explanation of its logic.

In his comparative study of conflicts ranging from the Napoleonic occupation of Spain to the Tamil Tigers’ insurgency in Sri Lanka, Kalyvas asks why civil wars are so often marked by violence against civilians. Discarding explanations like cultural backwardness or ideology, Kalyvas argues that the incentive for this violence is created by the military characteristics of civil war, where the population is the battlefield.

To understand how Kalyvas’s theory applies to Afghanistan, you had to look at the rural areas where most of the fighting took place. Consider the Taliban’s stronghold in Kandahar, the Panjwai valley. A verdant delta of pomegranate and grape orchards west of the provincial capital, Panjwai was the birthplace of the movement. Mullah Muhammad Omar, the Taliban’s leader, preached in his mosque there.

The site of major offensives by allied forces since 2006, Panjwai was arguably the longest and most grueling fight anywhere in Kandahar. During the surge, American troops fought their way in and, by the end of 2010, had built up a string of bases and strong points, many jointly manned with the republican army and the police. The Taliban ordered its fighters to melt back into the villages, where, aided by the area’s dense vegetation and mud-walled orchards, they switched to hit-and-run ambushes, assassinations and improvised explosive devices.

This kind of guerrilla struggle was an example of what Kalyvas calls irregular warfare, in which territorial control is fragmented and mixed between both sides. The Taliban hid their weapons and picked up shovels, taking advantage of American rules of engagement, which allowed soldiers to fire only on those who were armed or posing an active threat. “We basically did not see a difference between the locals and the Taliban,” said Curtis Grace, who patrolled there as an infantryman in 2012.

The Army’s COIN manual stresses the difficulty in irregular warfare of telling civilians and insurgents apart. Kalyvas’s argument is different: The distinction itself can blur. In a conflict with no clear front lines, violence is jointly produced by combatants and civilians, who have the information the troops need to fight their enemies: the location of I.E.D.s and army patrols, the identities of insurgents and government supporters. Moreover, because civil war involves rival state-building, civilians help or hinder combatants by providing logistical and political support. In Panjwai, the Taliban needed local help to operate: They tried to win it by announcing safe routes through minefields, but they were also ruthless with those suspected of being spies and government supporters.

In civil war, while indiscriminate violence, like collateral damage from airstrikes, can backfire, “selective” violence against individuals works in a straightforward way: Do this, or I’ll kill you . Winning hearts and minds can still matter, but it’s only half the story. And in wartime, sticks are often much cheaper and more effective than carrots. In this life-or-death struggle, the competitor willing to use both will have the advantage.

Kalyvas’s work is part of a larger body of scholarship on civil war and counterinsurgency that demonstrates how central the use of coercive violence against civilians has been in such conflicts, whether waged by dictatorships like Syria or democracies like France. “ ‘The bad guys win’ is not the answer that U.S. forces, policymakers or civilians want to hear about counterinsurgency success, but the historical record is clear,” writes the scholar Jacqueline L. Hazelton. In this light, COIN doctrine can be seen as a form of American exceptionalism: the idea that the United States could fight a civil war differently from anyone else — humanely.

If Kalyvas is right, then what the U.S. military faced in Afghanistan was not so much a paradox as an impossible choice. To take back places like Panjwai, there was a compelling incentive to use unlawful violence against the population, which the U.S. military could not allow itself to do. The solution to this dilemma was a division of labor, where the United States provided firepower and money to allies like Raziq, who did the dirty work.

In 2010, the United States introduced the Afghan Local Police program, or ALP. Drawing on their experience with militias in Vietnam and El Salvador, the Special Forces trained and armed villagers around the country. In the military’s hearts-and-minds framework, they were empowering communities to protect themselves against violent outsiders. But four decades of a multisided conflict meant that fault lines ran through communities, villages and even families. Most areas were tribally mixed; finding militias meant exploiting those divisions just as the Taliban had been doing. It meant arming Afghans against one another in a civil war.

As police chief, Raziq was in charge of the ALP program in Kandahar. Panjwai District was the most resistant; by 2011, its horn, as the western end was known, was the only place that the militias had failed to take root, despite the presence of several Special Forces teams. The next year, Raziq appointed one of his key lieutenants as the district police chief. Panjwai was predominantly Noorzai; Sultan Mohammad was an Achakzai like Raziq, but he was from the district. Such local knowledge, the ability to make rural Afghan society legible to outsiders, was precisely what made militias effective. They could go after the Taliban and their supporters in their own homes. The Taliban had gained sway over the villages by targeting the families of those who collaborated with the republic, and the militias, protected by American and regular government forces, could turn the tables.

Most of Panjwai was too dangerous to visit during the war, but when the republic fell in 2021, I was able to travel there, interviewing dozens of witnesses who described torture and extrajudicial killings carried out by members of the police and the ALP, targeting both active insurgents and sympathizers. In the village of Pashmul, several witnesses told me they saw Sultan Mohammad shoot an unarmed old man, Hajji Badr, whose sons had served in the Taliban. Sultan Mohammad told me he had no involvement in murder or torture, but several other people said they witnessed him personally execute prisoners. “All the people from the area knew,” said Hasti Mohammad, a republican district governor in Panjwai. “It wasn’t something secret.”

I was also shown several videos of police abuse, including one in which a group of men, identified by locals as ALP members in Panjwai, tortured a captive bound hand and foot. They strike him with sticks, twist his testicles with their hands, pour water over his mouth and sodomize him with a stick, all while demanding he confess. “I don’t have anything,” he blubbers, growing incoherent.

This brutality was no impediment to American and republican success. Under Sultan Mohammad, the ALP program was established throughout the district. I.E.D. attacks plummeted, while the proportion of bombs that went off without being discovered dropped by half, which one study attributed to increased cooperation from locals.

The U.S. military was aware of the abuses by police officers and militia members in Panjwai. On multiple occasions, American surveillance captured them committing war crimes. One video showing executions by the police was shown to senior U.S. officials in 2012; Colonel Webb said he asked Raziq to arrest the perpetrators, but police investigators told me that some ordinary militiamen were punished instead. Sultan Mohammad was eventually promoted to brigadier general and oversaw several districts in the west of the province. When I spoke with him, he showed me a collection of certificates of appreciation from more than a dozen U.S. military units. “The Special Forces helped us a lot,” he said.

Fazli Ahmad, a Taliban fighter, was arrested by the police, who filmed a video of themselves dragging him behind a pickup truck. He said Sultan Mohammad ordered him to be executed, but he was released after his father paid a bribe.

Sultan Mohammad, a former police chief in Panjwai District and one of Raziq’s key lieutenants. He worked closely with the U.S. military to establish a militia program in Panjwai. “The Special Forces helped us a lot,” he said.

Thanks to his success in Kandahar, Raziq became famous. Not since the late northern commander Ahmad Shah Massoud, whom he greatly admired, had any one figure united anti-Taliban sentiment across the country. He was interviewed on national television, and his picture was pasted on street billboards. Songs were dedicated to him:

He’s the servant of security, the servant of our government.

He’s truly the servant of Afghans.

There were many reasons for his popularity. He was young and dynamic, a village boy who never lost the common touch. He was free with his largess, sometimes handing out cash on the street. He spoke fearlessly against Pakistan’s support for the insurgency. For Afghans disenchanted by the corruption and duplicity of their politicians, Raziq seemed authentic.

“There were other politicians who would talk against the Taliban and Pakistan,” said Nader Nadery, a senior fellow at the Wilson Center who as head of the country’s human rights commission had criticized Raziq’s abuses. “With Raziq, people saw it was not just words.” Even Nadery had come to see the trade-off that Raziq represented, as a bulwark against the looming collapse of the republic. “It’s a difficult judgment to make,” he said. “We can lose everything, or we can keep some parts of it.”

Although Raziq publicly denied accusations of human rights abuses, when an Afghan journalist asked him about them in 2017, he offered something close to a justification. “Showing mercy to such people is a betrayal to our nation,” he replied. “When our soldiers are martyred, isn’t that a violation of human rights? When our schools are burned, isn’t that a violation?”

The truth was that many Afghans saw Raziq’s brutality as a positive quality. They wanted a champion who could protect them from the Taliban’s violence. When Raziq went out on the streets, he was mobbed by crowds of well-wishers. “It was like being an adviser to Elvis Presley,” Webb recalled.

As Raziq grew in stature, he was rehabilitated. Western generals and diplomats sought him out on trips to Kandahar. Over the years, Raziq was a constant there, a fixed point around which contradictory policies and goals swirled: counterterrorism, nation-building, COIN and, finally, negotiations with the Taliban. “We needed him more than he needed us,” said John W. Lathrop, who as a brigadier general commanded American forces in Kandahar in 2017. “Keeping Raziq happy was pretty important.”

For the Taliban, Raziq was one of their top targets. By his own count, Raziq had survived at least 25 suicide attacks. Yet he remained committed to the fight. In one of his last interviews, Raziq criticized republican elites who already had one foot out the door with visas and houses overseas. “We shouldn’t hope or plan to seek asylum in America or move to London,” he said. “We were born here, and we’ll die here.”

On Oct. 18, 2018, General Miller, the top U.S. commander, called a meeting at the governor’s compound in Kandahar to discuss the upcoming parliamentary elections. That day, Raziq put on Western-style clothes: a dress shirt and slacks. The young soldier from the borderlands had become a statesman, a role that came less easily to him. He had seemed worn down to people who had met him lately; he was preoccupied with political dramas in Kabul. He had also been sick for days with a bad stomach bug, but he wanted to see Miller, whom he had known since the early days of the war. During the meeting, Raziq appeared flushed and uneasy, but afterward he insisted on walking to the helicopter pad to see off Miller and the other Americans.

A group of police officers arrived, carrying crates of pomegranates, gifts for the Americans. Among them was a bodyguard for the governor, a young man the Taliban had code-named Abu Dujana. He dropped his crate and fired his assault rifle, killing Raziq and the provincial intelligence chief and wounding several others, including an American general, before he was shot dead.

As one part of the country celebrated, the other mourned. The republic had lost its hero.

What does Raziq’s story tell us about why the United States failed in Afghanistan? Although the immediate cause of the republic’s collapse might have been the precipitous U.S. withdrawal in 2021, the real question is why the Afghan government could not stand on its own despite the hundreds of billions of dollars invested over 20 years by America and its allies. How did hundreds of thousands of soldiers and police officers, armed with modern equipment, lose to insurgents who rode their motorcycles in sandals?

Many corrupt and unpopular governments survive insurgencies. And it’s clear that the Taliban’s violence against civilians did not prevent their ultimate success. More than hearts and minds lost to brutality, internal rot and infighting — fed by the West’s profligate spending and inconsistent strategy — explain the republic’s collapse. Criminal behavior by republican officials escalated to the point that it threatened the system itself, bringing about repeated crises like the near collapse of the banking sector. Wage and supply theft were catastrophic to the morale of soldiers and police officers, while nonexistent “ghost soldiers” inflated their ranks. As the Americans pulled back from rural areas, the ALP militias became increasingly predatory, shaking down locals for bribes; their selective violence became indiscriminate, to use Kalyvas’s terms. “That’s how it started,” a senior Panjwai officer explained. “The district chief stole their salaries and said, ‘Go get your meals from the people.’”

When it came to corruption, Raziq played an ambiguous role: What he stole from the system with one hand he gave back with the other. With their control of the border, he and his cronies siphoned huge amounts of government revenue : The shortfall added up to around $55 million per year, according to satellite imagery and customs data analyzed by the researcher David Mansfield.

But Raziq also spent much of what he earned on his network of sources, on bonuses for his men, on bribes to protect himself from rapacious politicians in Kabul. In a corrupt system, money was synonymous with power, and Raziq needed it to fight. Yet while he tried to curb overly predatory commanders, there was a limit to how far he could go to keep order. He was a prisoner of his own methods. Enforced disappearances, torture and executions, the tools that Raziq believed were necessary to defeat the Taliban, had to be kept hidden, often through intimidation and bribery. Impunity for human rights abuses could lead to general lawlessness; in this way, repressive counterinsurgencies had mutated into mafia states in countries like Guatemala. The men that Raziq handpicked to carry out these acts were of necessity criminals. The darkness they worked within allowed corruption to flourish. By contrast, instead of democracy or human rights, the Taliban professed a fundamentalist vision of Islamic law. Their scholars justified killing captives and civilians as necessary and legitimate in the jihad against foreign occupation. Where the republic’s hypocrisy fed its fatal weakness, corruption, the Taliban’s unabashed brutality was consonant with the movement’s strength, its unity.

Today we live in an age of irregular warfare, of asymmetric clashes with militant groups and battles to control populations. A vast majority of conflicts over the past century have been within states, not between them. The comforting myth that brutality is always counterproductive — that war can therefore be humane — obscures how violence functions in such conflicts; it hides how and to whom men like Raziq are useful. In retrospect, this myth, sold to the public as COIN, is part of a larger pattern of dishonesty that runs through America’s longest war, 20 years of wishful thinking and willful ignorance that culminated in tragedy on Aug. 15, 2021, when Raziq’s mortal enemies entered Kabul in triumph.

Read by Peter Ganim

Narration produced by Anna Diamond and Krish Seenivasan

Engineered by Steven Szczesniak

Victor J. Blue is a photographer who has been working in Afghanistan since 2009, when President Barack Obama escalated the war effort. He was there during the fall of Kabul, when the Taliban came back into power in 2021, and has returned three times since then.

Matthieu Aikins is a contributing writer for The New York Times Magazine and a fellow at Type Media Center who, since 2008, has been covering conflicts in Afghanistan and the Middle East, the U.S. military's operations overseas, forced migration and human rights.  More about Matthieu Aikins

Advertisement