an essay on television a boon or a curse

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Essay on Television: A BOON OR CURSE

Today we will read Essay on Television: A BOON OR CURSE. This essay often asks in exams so this article will be very helpful for you. 

Table of Contents

Outline: 1. Introduction, 2. Uses, 3. Harmful, 4. Future ( Conclusion ).

Introduction:

Television was invented in 1922 by a Scottish scientist. In 1959 a television station was set – up in Delhi. Since then many new stations have been set up in different parts of the country. It is one of the most wonderful inventions of science.

It is very useful in several fields of life. As a form of entertainment, its popularity is growing day by day. Its most popular program is known as ‘ Chitrahar ‘. T.V. serials like the Ramayana and the Mahabharat have been very popular. Its educative value cannot be denied. Even an illiterate person can learn a lot. A common man can know much about the pressing problems of the world. It is very useful to farmers. There are special programmes for them. They can know about the latest methods of agriculture. They can know also about the latest varieties of seeds and fertilizers. It is also useful to women. They can learn about cooking, sanitation, knitting and weaving. It informs us about the latest inventions in the field of medical science and other branches of science. We can enjoy matches being played anywhere in the world while sitting in our room. There are special programmes for children. These programmes are very interesting and educative. They give them information and inspire them to work hard and be sincere and honest.

Television is sometimes harmful too. Excess of everything is bad. If we give most of our time to television, it will affect our eyesight. Being too much busy seeing programs will hinder our studies. Vulgar scenes and vulgar songs have a bad effect on children.

However, the future of television is very bright in India. Our government doing its best to make it more and more popular. The day is not far ahead when most of our villagers will enjoy its programs.

I hope this article Essay on Television: A BOON OR CURSE is very helpful for you so please like and share this article and visit www.grammersikho.com

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Television a boon or curse essay | Important essay for all type of english Exam

 television a boon or a curse, introduction  - .

television was invented in 1922 by Scottish scientists. In 1959, a television station was set up in Delhi. Many new stations happy been set up in different parts of the country.

Television is a great wonder of the modern world of science  -

Its bad effect (it adversely affects the eyesight of children)  -  .

television is sometimes harmful too. It adversely affects the eyesight of children. too much busy in seeing programs will hinder our studies vulgar songs have a bad effect on children.

It uses proper use of television is a boon and improper use a curse  - 

Useful for education - , useful for farmers -  ,  useful to women  - , useful ness in other fields  - , useful to children in educative programs  - , conclusion  - .

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Paragraph on Is Television Boon or Curse

Here is your paragraph on Is Television Boon or Curse !

If all of us has to decide whether television is a boon or curse, the opinion is definitely going to be diverse depending on how the technology is being used by us.

If we know that television can be used as a source of entertainment, international news and events, this technology will become very productive with no unusual disadvantages attached to it.

However, the television technology also has some not so favorable aspects that we may like to avoid in our day to day life.

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So, will it be right to say that television is a curse? Let’s not be too idealistic here. Television is a great source of entertainment and information. Yes, we know that sometimes it feels like the use of this technology is superfluous.

In our busy life, we hardly get any time to sit in front of the television for hours to enjoy the series of a soap. However, the charm of this entertainment source lies in the fact that television can be used as a stress buster at times. We can watch our favorite comedy show, a nice movie or a game of our choice when we’re depressed. It makes us feel relaxed and lighthearted. From this point of view, I would say television has great advantages. It can make us happy when you need to be.

Although the internet technology can surpass many of the features and benefits television brings to us, can it help a family sit and enjoy a nice family show together? Television is beneficial if we think from this angle. Television can encourage family unity.

On the contrary, television can become a source of multiple complications if you get addicted to it. For example, television addiction can become the reason for obesity. If you are so addicted to your favorite soaps that you forget to give time to your family, it can become the reason for disappointments. So, I believe there has to be a balance in everything. You must know how to use this electronic media to make it an advantageous factor.

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Essay on tv boon or curse

Essay on tv boon or curse

Tv Boon Or Bane Essay 658 Words | 3 Pages. A BOON has been defined as a benefit enjoyed; a thing to be thankful for; a blessing. A bane is a thing that ruins or spoils; a deadly poison. In the light of our brief review of just a few aspects of the question, can television be considered a bane or a boon, a curse or a blessing? Get Your Custom Essay on Television a boon or a bane Just from $13,9/Page Get custom paper There are many quiz shows on television which increase the knowledge of students. Television; a boon or bane for students? Students love to watch television almost on daily basis and they view different kinds of programmes which have different kinds of impact on them. Television, a curse The grandparents usually consider that watching television is a curse because they think that the children are easily distracted from the studies. They think that they divert their attention from studies because they are tempted to watch some serials or shows that spoil their moral fabric.

Whomever they want from the same place where there are. Even though mobile phones are very useful, it has both good qualities as well as bad qualities. Like the two sides of a coin, mobile phones are a boon as well as a curse. According to me mobile phones are a boon to this developing hectic world. With the help of mobile phones communication has become more and easier as well as faster. Television now plays such an important role in so many people’s lives that it is essential for us to decide whether it is a blessing or a curse.Obviosly, television has both – advantages & disadvantages. But do the former outweight the latter?. On the one hand, TV is a great force in the world, beca Television A Boon Or Curse Essay 5228 Words | 21 Pages. CHAPTER 19 THERMIONIC EMISSION —– Top of Form 1. | Study of a Vacuum Diode | | Thermionic Emission: The emission of electrons from the surface of a metal, when it is heated to a high temperature, is called thermionic emission.

Health tourism,a boon or a curse Essay Health Tourism (Also known as Medical tourism) refers to the act of traveling to a foreign country in order to receive medical care. Varying reports based on the US alone put the number of American patients seeking healthcare abroad between 500,000 to 750,000 in 2007. Essays on Television a Boon Or a Curse Essay. Search Results. CHAPTER-16 “GARBAGE, IN GARBAGE OUT” WASTES (Based on source) 1. Domestic waste (produced by homes) 2. Industrial waste (produced by factories/ industries) 3 POPULATION OF INDIA Man is the creator of all the wealth, said Karl Marx, and without man, all other resources remain ideal.

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Thomas L. Friedman

Israel Has a Choice to Make: Rafah or Riyadh

By Thomas L. Friedman

Opinion Columnist, writing from Riyadh, Saudi Arabia

U.S. diplomacy to end the Gaza war and forge a new relationship with Saudi Arabia has been converging in recent weeks into a single giant choice for Israel and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu: What do you want more — Rafah or Riyadh?

Do you want to mount a full-scale invasion of Rafah to try to finish off Hamas — if that is even possible — without offering any Israeli exit strategy from Gaza or any political horizon for a two-state solution with non-Hamas-led Palestinians? If you go this route, it will only compound Israel’s global isolation and force a real breach with the Biden administration.

Or do you want normalization with Saudi Arabia, an Arab peacekeeping force for Gaza and a U.S.-led security alliance against Iran? This would come with a different price: a commitment from your government to work toward a Palestinian state with a reformed Palestinian Authority — but with the benefit of embedding Israel in the widest U.S.-Arab-Israeli defense coalition the Jewish state has ever enjoyed and the biggest bridge to the rest of the Muslim world Israel has ever been offered, while creating at least some hope that the conflict with the Palestinians will not be a “forever war.’’

This is one of the most fateful choices Israel has ever had to make. And what I find both disturbing and depressing is that there is no major Israeli leader today in the ruling coalition, the opposition or the military who is consistently helping Israelis understand that choice — a global pariah or a Middle East partner — or explaining why it should choose the second.

I appreciate how traumatized Israelis are by the vicious Hamas murders, rapes and kidnappings of Oct. 7. It is not surprising to me that many people there just want revenge, and their hearts have hardened to a degree that they can’t see or care about all of the civilians, including thousands of children, who have been killed in Gaza as Israel has plowed through to try to eliminate Hamas. All of this has been further hardened by Hamas’s refusal so far to release the remaining hostages.

But revenge is not a strategy. It is pure insanity that Israel is now more than six months into this war and the Israeli military leadership — and virtually the entire political class — has allowed Netanyahu to continue to pursue a “total victory” there, including probably soon plunging deep into Rafah, without any exit plan or Arab partner lined up to step in once the war ends. If Israel ends up with an indefinite occupation of both Gaza and the West Bank, it would be a toxic military, economic and moral overstretch that would delight Israel’s most dangerous foe, Iran, and repel all its allies in the West and the Arab world.

Early in the war, Israeli military and political leaders would tell you that moderate Arab leaders wanted Israel to wipe out Hamas, an offshoot of the Muslim Brotherhood that is detested by every Arab monarch. Sure, they would have liked Hamas gone — if it could have been done in a few weeks with few civilian casualties.

It’s now clear that it can’t be, and prolonging the war is not in the interest of the moderate Arab states, particularly Saudi Arabia.

From the conversations I’ve been having here in Riyadh and in Washington, I’d describe Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman’s view of the Israeli invasion of Gaza today like this: Get out as soon as possible. All Israel is doing at this point is killing more and more civilians, turning Saudis who favored normalization with Israel against it, creating more recruits for Al Qaeda and ISIS, empowering Iran and its allies, fomenting instability and driving away much-needed foreign investment from this region. The idea of wiping out Hamas “once and for all” is a pipe dream, in the Saudi view. If Israel wants to continue to do special operations in Gaza to get the leadership, no problem. But no boots permanently on the ground. Please get to a full cease-fire and hostage release as soon as possible and focus instead on the U.S.-Saudi-Israeli-Palestinian security-normalization deal.

That is the other road that Israel could take right now — the one that no major Israeli opposition leader is arguing for as the top priority, but the one that the Biden administration and the Saudis, Egyptians, Jordanians, Bahrainis, Moroccans and Emiratis are rooting for. Its success is by no means a sure thing, but neither is the “total victory” that Netanyahu is promising.

This other road starts with Israel forgoing any total military invasion of Rafah, which is right up against the border with Egypt and is the main route through which humanitarian relief enters Gaza by trucks. The area is home to more than 200,000 permanent residents and now also more than one million refugees from northern Gaza. It is also where the last four most intact Hamas battalions are said to be dug in and, maybe, its leader Yahya Sinwar.

The Biden administration has been telling Netanyahu publicly that he must not engage in a full-scale invasion of Rafah without a credible plan to get those one million-plus civilians out of the way — and that Israel has yet to present such a plan. But privately they are being more blunt and telling Israel: No massive invasion of Rafah, period.

A senior U.S. official put it to me this way: “We are not saying to Israel just leave Hamas be. We are saying that we believe there is a more targeted way to go after the leadership, without leveling Rafah block by block.” The Biden team, he insisted, is not trying to spare the Hamas bosses — just spare Gaza another spasm of mass civilian losses.

Let’s remember, the official added, that Israel thought Hamas’s leaders were in Khan Yunis and it destroyed much of that town looking for them and not finding them. And they did the same with Gaza City in the north. What happened? Sure, a lot of Hamas fighters there were killed, but many others just dissolved into the ruins and have now popped up anew — so much so that a Hamas unit on April 18 was able to fire a rocket from Beit Lahia in northern Gaza toward the Israeli city of Ashkelon.

U.S. officials are convinced that if Israel now smashes up all of Rafah, after having done the same to big parts of Khan Yunis and Gaza City, and has no credible Palestinian partner to relieve it of the security burden of governing a broken Gaza, it will be making the kind of mistake the United States made in Iraq and end up dealing with a permanent insurgency on top of a permanent humanitarian crisis. But there would be one critical difference: The United States is a superpower that could fail in Iraq and bounce back. For Israel, a permanent Gaza insurgency would be crippling, especially with no friends left.

And that is why U.S. officials tell me that if Israel does mount a major military operation in Rafah, over the administration’s objections, President Biden would consider restricting certain arms sales to Israel.

This is not only because the Biden administration wants to avoid more civilian casualties in Gaza out of humanitarian concerns, or because they would further inflame global public opinion against Israel and make it even more difficult for the Biden team to defend Israel. It’s because the administration believes that a full-scale Israeli invasion of Rafah will both undermine prospects for a new hostage exchange, for which officials say there are now some fresh glimmers of hope, and destroy three vital projects it has been working on to enhance Israel’s long-term security.

The first is an Arab peacekeeping force that could replace Israeli troops in Gaza, so that Israel can get out and not be stuck occupying both Gaza and the West Bank forever. Several Arab states have been discussing sending peacekeeping troops to Gaza to replace Israeli troops, who would have to leave — provided there is a permanent cease-fire — and the presence of the troops would be formally blessed by a joint decision of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the umbrella body bringing together most Palestinian factions, and the Palestinian Authority. The Arab states would also most likely insist on some U.S. military logistical assistance. Nothing has been decided yet, but the idea is under active consideration.

The second is the U.S.-Saudi-Israeli-Palestinian diplomatic-security deal that the administration is close to finalizing the terms of with the Saudi crown prince. It has several components, but the three key U.S.-Saudi ones are: 1) A mutual defense pact between the United States and Saudi Arabia that would take any ambiguity out of what America would do if Iran attacked Saudi Arabia. The United States would come to Riyadh’s defense, and vice versa. 2) Streamlining Saudi access to the most advanced U.S. weapons. 3) A tightly controlled civilian nuclear deal that would allow Saudi Arabia to reprocess its own uranium deposits for use in its own civilian nuclear reactor.

In return, the Saudis would curb Chinese investment inside Saudi Arabia as well as any military ties and build its next-generation defense systems entirely with U.S. weaponry, which would be a boon for American defense manufacturers and make the two armies entirely interoperable. The Saudis, with their abundant cheap energy and physical space, would like to host some of the massive data-processing centers required by U.S. tech companies to exploit artificial intelligence, at a time when domestic U.S. energy costs and physical space are becoming so scarce that new data centers are becoming harder and harder to build at home. Saudi Arabia would also normalize relations with Israel, provided that Netanyahu committed to work toward a two-state solution with an overhauled Palestinian Authority.

And last, the United States would bring together Israel, Saudi Arabia, other moderate Arab states and key European allies into a single, integrated security architecture to counter Iranian missile threats the way they did on an ad hoc basis when Iran attacked Israel on April 13 in retaliation for an Israeli strike on some senior Iranian military leaders suspected of running operations against Israel, who were meeting at an Iranian diplomatic compound in Syria. This coalition will not come together on any continued basis without Israel getting out of Gaza and committing to work toward Palestinian statehood. There is no way Arab states can be seen to be permanently protecting Israel from Iran if Israel is permanently occupying Gaza and the West Bank. U.S. and Saudi officials also know that without Israel in the deal, the U.S.-Saudi security components are not likely to ever get through Congress.

The Biden team wants to complete the U.S.-Saudi part of the deal so that it can act like the opposition party that Israel does not have right now and be able to say to Netanyahu: You can be remembered as the leader who presided over Israel’s worst military catastrophe on Oct. 7 or the leader who led Israel out of Gaza and opened the road to normalization between Israel and the most important Muslim state. Your choice. And it wants to offer this choice publicly so that every Israeli can see it.

So let me end where I began: Israel’s long-term interests are in Riyadh, not Rafah. Of course, neither is a sure thing and both come with risks. And I know that it’s not so easy for Israelis to weigh them when so many global protesters these days are hammering Israel for its bad behavior in Gaza and giving Hamas a free pass . But that’s what leaders are for: to make the case that the road to Riyadh has a much bigger payoff at the end than the road to Rafah, which will be a dead end in every sense of the term.

I totally respect that Israelis are the ones who will have to live with the choice. I just want to make sure they know they have one.

The Times is committed to publishing a diversity of letters to the editor. We’d like to hear what you think about this or any of our articles. Here are some tips . And here’s our email: [email protected] .

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Thomas L. Friedman is the foreign affairs Opinion columnist. He joined the paper in 1981 and has won three Pulitzer Prizes. He is the author of seven books, including “From Beirut to Jerusalem,” which won the National Book Award. @ tomfriedman • Facebook