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Tydskrif vir Letterkunde
On-line version issn 2309-9070 print version issn 0041-476x, tydskr. letterkd. vol.54 n.2 pretoria 2017, http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/tvl.v.54i2.2981 .
BOOK REVIEWS
Learning Zulu: A secret history of language in South Africa
Mark Sanders. Johannesburg: Wits University Press, 2016. 191pp. EAN: 978-1-86814-870-7.
Taking a leaf from the book under review, I'll start by injecting an autobiographical element. Much of what Sanders examines here echoes my own experience, after Zimbabwe's independence, of heading to a remote mission school to teach for two years. Part of my purpose was to learn better Shona, the majority language from which I had been systematically discouraged by my colonial education. It was, in a way, a gesture of reparation, or addressing a nagging "white guilt", or at least of assuaging a sense of fruitless loss and exclusion. I was nowhere near as successful in attaining fluency as Sanders seems have been in learning Zulu; and now that I live in the Eastern Cape, my efforts to learn Xhosa have been similarly patchy and faltering. One thing is evident throughout Sanders's dense discussions: long-term, assiduous application and periods of total immersion are vital-and as he points out, few whites in South Africa have carved out the time and energy to do so, while willy-nilly expecting the black majority to learn their language. (An endnote does aver that, according to census figures, a surprising 16,000-plus whites, and a similar number of Indians, in KwaZulu-Natal, list Zulu as their first language.)
Hence, as Sanders outlines it, a white person learning an African tongue in South Africa is inevitably shackled to the unequal past distribution of linguistic power; that learning has to be a gesture of reparation at a deeply psychological level, and failures or shortfalls can be generative of feelings as powerful as a "paranoia". Those failures (mine included) are routinely explained away in what Sanders calls a "sanctioned ignorance" (18): the oft-professed wish to learn is "disavowed, a wall of 'buts' erected against it [so that] one begins to suspect the operation of a deeply rooted prohibition" (23), a "shabby concentrate of inhibition" that emerges not just from apartheid education but a longer-lasting "anal-sadistic arrogation of violent sovereign decision" (racism, in short, he doesn't quite say) (30).
To the extent that various whites have learned or tried to learn Zulu, the results constitute, in Sanders's subtitle, a "secret history" of language in South Africa-by which he really means that "it has not been recorded before, save in fragmentary form. Whereas the moreand less-alienating effects on Africans of colonial language teaching have been well attested, accounts of which are justly canonical, the meaning of learning an African language, for colonial of European descent [...] has scarcely been explored" (9).
Using as a narrative thread his own long-term experiences of learning Zulu both in South Africa and the United States (he is now a professor of comparative literature at New York University), Sanders explores in intricate and fascinating detail a number of case studies of whites learning Zulu. He shows convincingly how such efforts are laden with, and compromised by, complexly involuted and ironic psychopolitical dynamics inseparable from the wider politics of the times.
The cases range widely, each supported by impressively compact historical and political background: the role of Bishop Colenso and the first standardised dictionaries; the formation and history of "Fanakolo" (my childhood's Chilapalapa); "the awful but popular bowdlerisations of Zulu represented by the stageshow Ipi Tombi (in a school production of which Sanders once acted the "100% Zulu boy"); the career of Johnny Clegg, the honorary "White Zulu"; the role of Zulu normativity in 2008's xenophobic outrages; through to the case of another "100% Zulu Boy", Jacob Zuma, with particular reference to the avowedly "Zulu" masculinity that underpinned the then presidential candidate's rape charge and acquittal.
In an especially subtle exploration, Sanders unpacks implications and aporias in Sibusiso Nyembezi's Zulu primers, Learn Zulu and Learn More Zulu, key learning texts in Sanders's trajectory:
an understated-significant because so understated-critique of apartheid showing through its apparently inoffensive surface. Nyembezi (d.2000) was also a substantial novelist in Zulu; but apart from discussion of those novels, Sanders offers an exegesis of Nyembezi's translation into Zulu of Alan Paton's Cry the Beloved Country (Lafa elihle kakhulu). The handling and presentation of the Zulu language in the English original is problematic enough; but what happens when Nyembezi is faced with the problem of (re)translating the Reverend Kumalo's gentle "correction" to the white Jarvis boy's "mistake" in Zulu, when the correction itself is erroneous according to the standard or "correct" Zulu in which Nyembezi is writing, and which he advocates in his primers? A fascinating problem, indeed.
The emergence of a standard or "high" Zulu, often attached to the norms of the royal family, lies behind this example. Sanders, drawing on a swathe of recent scholarship on the emergence of the Zulu state and on what might constitute "Zulu identity", shows that that identity was always fraught, malleable, periodically fragmented to the point of civil war, and is still under contestation. (Two years ago I was privileged to attend a mass meeting, called by King Zwelithini at one of his rural palaces, engineered to reconcile "core Zulu" and "Mkhize" segments of what has sometimes, and sometimes not, functioned as a unitary Zulu identity.) In the 2008 xenophobia, knowledge of abstruse, even archaic Zulu concepts, also sometimes associated with the royal core, would be used as a test for foreigners; failure could provoke violent expulsion.
As with "standard Shona" in Zimbabwe, which only emerged, through the efforts of missionary lexicographers comingling and choosing between the various related-but-different dialects, in around 1910, the status and solidification of a standard or "pure" Zulu, evolving through the efforts of Colenso, Grout, Bleek and other literate dictionary-makers, was a fraught and politically contingent business. So too then is the business of translation, not centrally theorised but a necessarily constant presence in this study.
Sanders makes mileage of two particular Zulu phrases. The first is the sentence ngicele uxolo (I beg forgiveness), which becomes a sign of Sanders's "making good", a reparation. The shadow of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission is unavoidable here, and the author's grappling with this impulse governs the study.
The second phrase is ulimi lwebele, language-of-the-breast, Zulu as the "mother-tongue", literally that which one imbibes with one's mother's milk. Sanders meshes this with an underpinning of psychoanalytic theory, invoking Freud and Melanie Klein. I'm personally not convinced by it all, perhaps because it is rather patchily explicated: "To continue the endeavour to make good would be to summon the courage to bring the words of the language themselves into one's mouth [...] and so to master the phallic meaning of the name of the language, in other words the threat of castration that led to the name being used as a fetish." (98)
Really? Sanders anticipates precisely such a bemused reaction early on, asserting that if his "use of psychoanalysis might from time to time sound hyperbolic, that is deliberate". He is using it, he says, as a "brake" on his own confessional mode; even as he searches for a generalizing theory, he evidently worries about a propensity to feel a troubling "superiority" (63) to other whites who haven't studied Zulu as he has. While this may be true enough, there recur traces of something slightly defensive, as if allaying persistent anxieties-and incidentally drawing us (other South African whites, that is) into them.
The case of Zuma's rape case seems tailor-made for Freudian-Kleinian phallic theories. Sanders's discussion hinges on subtle yet crucial (mis)translations of a key line Zuma uttered in his defence, to the effect that "in Zulu culture" a woman's arousal needed to be satisfied or the man risked being accused of rape. Again somewhat melodramatically, Sanders now-because he has been trying so hard to suckle at the breast of Zulu-feels himself obscurely implicated in a distasteful quasi-nationalist form of masculinism. This intersects with doubts about Zuma's own "Zuluness", since he is ancestrally Nxamalala, a group incorporated by Shaka but that "remained peripheral and also subaltern". Such marginalities have to be suppressed in the project of learning a generalizable "isiZulu". He ends this section with what works as a summation of the book, as well as on a self-mocking re-simplification:
If realizing this generalization of learning is not ready to be admitted to consciousness, it nevertheless remains for the learner of Zulu, as historically determined-the Jarvis boy, the white reader of Fanakolo handbooks and Nyembezi's Learn More Zulu, the non-Zulu African migrant, me-to join the critical Zulu scholar or intellectual in order to effect this generalization by loosening the identification with the name-which in the story I am telling myself about myself-is also the masculinist and heteronormative phantasy-identification with the agent of sexual violence. Whatever the size of the phalli outside the court, and of the carnivalesque wooden imishini [machine guns], the Presidential penis is just a penis. And Zulu is, after all is said and done, just another language. (114)
Coming from a scholar whose previous books are entitled Complicities: The Intellectual and Apartheid (2002) and Ambiguities of Witnessing (2014), one might expect an attunement to deep complexities-even when Sanders injects some critical jibes about academics' propensity to overcomplicate things. Yet there were places I wanted to wield my Occam's Razor in the midst of some rather abstruse and entangled passages: at one point he employs, almost self-parodically, that common academic impulse to cite several fashionable sources in rapid succession: "what N P Van Wyk Louw called a bestaanreg [...] what Freud calls Nachträglichkeit [...] what Jacques Lacan called the Symbolic [...] what Lacan called the Imaginary" (78), these all within twelve lines. He admits theory has limits: "the sheer contingency of some of the events narrated in turn challenges the final say of psychoanalysis as a theoretical framework" (10). He has covered his back, all right.
This may also be responsible for his ending the book somewhat inconclusively, rather like the classic meandering "familiar essay" (10), with "everything [rendered] unknowable and unverifiable" (144). This is probably wise-and his frustrations will echo others'. That said, this review has scarcely begun to reflect the book's attentiveness to nuance, the density of erudition, and the courage with which Sanders faces South Africans with both the necessities for, and the problematics of, cross-cultural language-learning. Learning Zulu is a very important, unquestionably groundbreaking study.
Dan Wylie Rhodes University. Grahamstown [email protected]
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The four major ethnic divisions among Black South Africans are the Nguni, Sotho, Shangaan-Tsonga and Venda. The Nguni represent nearly two thirds of South Africa's Black population and can be divided into four distinct groups; the Northern and Central Nguni (the Zulu-speaking peoples), the Southern Nguni (the Xhosa-speaking peoples), the Swazi people from Swaziland and adjacent areas, and the Ndebele people of the Northern Province and Mpumalanga. Archaeological evidence shows that the Bantu-speaking groups, that were the ancestors of the Nguni, migrated down from East Africa as early as the eleventh century - see South Africa's general history timeline .
Language, culture and beliefs:
The Zulu language, of which there are variations, is part of the Nguni language group. The word Zulu means "Sky" and according to oral history, Zulu was the name of the ancestor who founded the Zulu royal line in about 1670. Today it is estimated that there are more than 45 million South Africans, and the Zulu people make up about approximately 22% of this number. The largest urban concentration of Zulu people is in the Gauteng Province, and in the corridor of Pietermaritzburg and Durban. The largest rural concentration of Zulu people is in Kwa-Zulu Natal.
IsiZulu is South Africa's most widely spoken official language. It is a tonal language understood by people from the Cape to Zimbabwe and is characterized by many "clicks". In 2006 it was determined that approximately 9 million South Africans speak Xhosa as a home language.
The following overview of the language was written by B.P. Mngadi for UNESCO's World Languages Report (2000):
"The writing of Zulu was started by missionaries in the then Natal. The names J W Colenso, S B Stone, H Callaway and Lewis Grant are among the prominent. They taught the first people with whom they made contact, spreading the word of God, basic writing skills in Zulu. Magema Fuze, Ndiyane and William were among the very first who were taught communicative English and basic writing skills at about 1830-1841. The first Zulu Christian booklet was produced by Newton Adams, George Newton and Aldin Grout (1837-8) titled "Incwadi Yokuqala Yabafundayo" which dealt with the spelling of Zulu words and the history of the Old Testament. Between 1845 and 1883, the first translated version of the Bible was produced in very old Zulu orthography. In 1859 the first Zulu Grammar Book by L. Grout was produced".
Its oral tradition is very rich but its modern literature is still developing. J.L Dube was the first Zulu writer (1832) though his first publication was a Zulu story written in English titled "A Talk on my Native Land" . In 1903 he concentrated in editing the newspaper "Ilanga LaseNatali" . His first Zulu novel "Insila kaShaka" was published in 1930. We see a steady growth of publications especially novels from 1930 onwards.
The clear-cut distinction made today between the Xhosa and the Zulu has no basis in culture or history but arises out of the colonial distinction between the Cape and Natal colonies. Both speak very similar languages and share similar customs, but the historical experiences at the northern end of the Nguni culture area differed considerably from the historical experiences at the southern end. The majority of northerners became part of the Zulu kingdom, which abolished circumcision. The majority of southerners never became part of any strongly centralised kingdom, intermarried with Khoikhoi and retained circumcision.
Many Zulu people converted to Christianity under colonialism. However, although there are many Christian converts, ancestral beliefs have not disappeared. Instead, there has been a mixture of traditional beliefs and Christianity. Ancestral spirits are important in Zulu religious life, and offerings and sacrifices are made to the ancestors for protection, good health, and happiness. Ancestral spirits come back to the world in the form of dreams, illnesses, and sometimes snakes. The Zulu also believe in the use of magic. Ill fortune such as bad luck and illness is considered to be sent by an angry spirit. When this happens, the help of a traditional healer is sought, and he or she will communicate with the ancestors or use natural herbs and prayers, to get rid of the problem.
Late nineteenth-century postcard of Zulu Warriors (note the Europeans in the background)
The Zulu are fond of singing as well as dancing. These activities promote unity at all transitional ceremonies such as births, weddings, and funerals. All the dances are accompanied by drums and the men dress as warriors (see image).
Zulu folklore is transmitted through storytelling, praise-poems, and proverbs. These explain Zulu history and teach moral lessons. Praise-poems (poems recited about the kings and the high achievers in life) is becoming part of popular culture. The Zulu, especially those from rural areas, are known for their weaving, craft-making, pottery, and beadwork.
The Zulu term for "family" (umndeni) includes all the people staying in a homestead who are related to each other, either by blood, marriage, or adoption. Drinking and eating from the same plate was and still is a sign of friendship. It is customary for children to eat from the same dish, usually a big basin. This derives from a "share what you have" belief which is part of Ubuntu (humane) philosophy.
Long ago, before the Zulu were forged as a nation, they lived as isolated family groups and partly nomadic northern Nguni groups. These groups moved about within their loosely defined territories in search of game and good grazing for their cattle. As they accumulated livestock, and supporters family leaders divided and dispersed in different directions, while still retaining family networks.
The Zulu homestead (imizi) consisted of an extended family and others attached to the household through social obligations. This social unit was largely self-sufficient, with responsibilities divided according to gender. Men were generally responsible for defending the homestead, caring for cattle, manufacturing and maintaining weapons and farm implements, and building dwellings. Women had domestic responsibilities and raised crops, usually grains, on land near the household.
By the late eighteenth century, a process of political consolidation among the groups was beginning to take place. A number of powerful chiefdoms began to emerge and a transformation from a pastoral society to a more organised statehood occurred. This enabled leaders to wield more authority over their own supporters and to compel allegiance from conquered chiefdoms. Changes took place in the nature of political, social, and economic links between chiefs of these emerging power blocs and their subjects. Zulu chiefs demanded steadily increasing tribute or taxes from their subjects, acquired great wealth, commanded large armies, and, in many cases, subjugated neighbouring chiefdoms.
Military conquest allowed men to achieve status distinctions that had become increasingly important. This culminated early in the nineteenth century with the warrior-king Shaka conquering all the groups in Zululand and uniting them into a single powerful Zulu nation, that made its influence felt over southern and central Africa. Shaka ruled from 1816 to 1828, when he was assassinated by his brothers.
Shaka recruited young men from all over the kingdom and trained them in his own novel warrior tactics. His military campaign resulted in widespread violence and displacement, and after defeating competing armies and assimilating their people, Shaka established his Zulu nation. Within twelve years, he had forged one of the mightiest empires the African continent has ever known. The Zulu empire weakened after Shaka's death in 1828.
One of the most significant events in Zulu history was the arrival of Europeans in Natal. By the late 1800s, British troops had invaded Zulu territory and divided Zulu land into different chiefdoms. The Zulu never regained their independence ( see Anglo-Zulu Wars ).
Natal received "Colonial government" in 1893, and the Zulu people were dissatisfied about being governed by the Colony. A plague of locusts devastated crops in Zululand and Natal in 1894 and 1895, and their cattle were dying of rinderpest, lung sickness and east coast fever. These natural disasters impoverished them and forced more men to seek employment as railway construction workers in northern Natal and on the mines in the Witwatersrand.
The last Zulu uprising, led by Chief Bambatha in 1906, was a response to harsh and unjust laws and unimaginable actions by the Natal Government. It was sparked off by the imposition of the 1905 poll tax of £1 per head, introduced to increase revenue and to force more Zulus to start working for wages. The uprising was ruthlessly suppressed ( see Bambatha Rebellion ).
The 1920s saw fundamental changes in the Zulu nation. Many were drawn towards the mines and fast-growing cities as wage earners and were separated from the land and urbanised. Zulu men and women have made up a substantial portion of South Africa's urban workforce throughout the 20th century, especially in the gold and copper mines of the Witwatersrand. Zulu workers organized some of the first black labour unions in the country. For example, the Zulu Washermen's Guild, Amawasha, was active in Natal and the Witwatersrand even before the Union of South Africa was formed in 1910. The Zululand Planters' Union organized agricultural workers in Natal in the early twentieth century.
The dawn of apartheid in the 1940s marked more changes for all Black South Africans, and in 1953 the South African Government introduced the "homelands" . In the 1960s the Government's objective was to form a "tribal authority" and provide for the gradual development of self-governing Bantu national units. The first Territorial Authority for the Zulu people was established in 1970 and the Zulu homeland of KwaZulu was defined. On 30 March 1972 the first Legislative Assembly of KwaZulu was constituted by South African Parliamentary Proclamation.
Chief Mangosutho (Gatsha) Buthelezi , a cousin of the king, was elected as Chief Executive. The town of Nongoma was temporarily consolidated as the capital, pending completion of buildings at Ulundi. The 1970s also saw the revival of Inkatha, later the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) , the ruling and sole party in the self-governing KwaZulu homeland. Led by Chief Minister Mangosutho Buthelezi, Inkatha worked within the NP governments system, but it opposed homeland independence, standing for a non-racial democracy, federalism, and free enterprise.
Military prowess continued to be an important value in Zulu culture, and this emphasis fuelled some of the political violence of the 1990s. Buthelezi's nephew, Goodwill Zwelithini , was the Zulu monarch in the 1990s. Buthelezi and King Goodwill won the agreement of ANC negotiators just before the April 1994 elections that, with international mediation, the government would establish a special status for the Zulu Kingdom after the elections. Zulu leaders understood this special status to mean some degree of regional autonomy within the province of KwaZulu-Natal.
Buthelezi was appointed minister of home affairs in the first Government of National Unity in 1994. He led a walkout of Zulu delegates from the National Assembly in early 1995 and clashed repeatedly with newly elected President Nelson (Rolihlahla) Mandela. Buthelezi threatened to abandon the Government of National Unity entirely unless his Zulu constituency received greater recognition and autonomy from central government control.
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We are often asked why our ZuluMites teachers only speak Zulu to the children. Through both extensive research, and based on our own experience, we know that a complete immersion in the target language to be the most effective way to learn language for the following reasons:
Functional Language Ability
ZuluMites is focused on developing functional language ability. We believe that children will only use the language if they develop an identity and a sense of ownership of the language. We do not see any value in the rote learning of vocabulary that has no context, and cannot be used by the child. By speaking only in Zulu, the child is exposed to vocabulary in its correct context; as part of a full Zulu sentence. This enables the child to grasp the rhythm, tone and pitch of the language in context.
Obviously our sentences are modified to slow, simplified speech, combined with actions and visual cues in the early stages of learning (much like someone would acquire their first language). There is also much repetition of these sentences across contexts, so children get familiar with sentence structure and are sensitive to the minor changes as they happen: i.e. “I jump, you jump, we jump” “I sit, you sit, we sit” Throughout our programme, they are seeing real life settings in which they can use their Zulu ability and grow in speaking confidence (because they have to) instead of simply learning a list of words for no reason, or learning grammar structures of sentences they cannot yet construct themselves.
The Child’s Ability
A child’s brain is more than capable of making language associations and meaning from a complete immersion environment, and we do our children a disservice thinking that they need everything to be explained to them, or that they cannot function in the world unless they understand everything around them. This is certainly not the case when children learn their first language, nor is it true when acquiring second and third languages. When we give space for children to connect songs to words, and for their brains to work things out for themselves, we ensure they will both use and remember the vocabulary in the future.
ZuluMites uses songs, games, actions, pictures, visual objects, repetition and routine to ensure that all the scaffolding is in place for connections to be made in a child’s brain and for them to recall and remember useful vocabulary. You do not need to explain that “Ngi” means “I” in a sentence, because when you point to yourself and say “Ngi” – this is adequate association for a child’s brain to make the connection for itself.
Although learning a new language is mentally taxing, and none of us like the feeling of discomfort or being lost, it is a vital step towards inherent motivation (ask anyone who has ever travelled to a foreign country and needed to buy their own dinner). In order to progress, a season of not being able to understand or communicate effectively must be endured. This uncomfortable state is where real learning takes place – when the child is forced to draw deeply on what they know, to look for clues, and to make educated assumptions about what is being said. This is a very good skill, not just for language learning but for general mental and cognitive development.
Dominance of Zulu language and Culture
It is natural for the English children to want to speak English to their teacher and to each other, as this is the language they are most comfortable in and takes the least amount of effort. But by allowing English to take precedence in the Zulu classroom, we are perpetuating the idea that English is the more dominant language in any setting.
We believe that it is the role of the Zulu teacher to push back on that dominance and promote the learning of his/her language as equally valuable and necessary for the students. By using English in the classroom, we inforce the belief that Zulu is of no great importance or use, and is merely a subject of academic interest – because Zulu people will speak to you in English anyway.
Only by speaking Zulu in the class can the children be convinced that the language is of value, both culturally and functionally, and should therefore be respected, and an effort made to attain it.
By creating a Zulu-only environment, and discouraging the use of English, children are forced to struggle through the process of communicating in the target language which is a key step in developing functional ability. Without this necessity, a child is simply unmotivated to learn the language. The brain is highly efficient, and will not retain information it does not have to (a prime example of this would be the fact that people no longer remember cell phone numbers from memory, because our brains know that we are seldom without our cell phones and our contacts).
By creating a “forced necessity” we are communicating to our brains to stay engaged in the class, retain information, manipulate it accordingly and respond appropriately. This kind of necessity does not come from an English speaking environment, and instead must be deliberately constructed by the Zulu teacher. This will mean that communication is mostly ‘one-way’ (teacher to child) in the early stages, but through persistence the child will developsuperior language ability compared to those taught using English, as research suggests. One of the main reasons that South African schools have been unsuccessful in teaching children to speak Zulu is because they are using English to teach it, and not providing this necessity to speak.
Time in the language
Another reason why children are not acquiring Zulu (or any other) language is that there is not sufficient time exposed to that language. Research supports that children require enough exposure to a language before they can become proficient to a certain level; but if we are using our class time with a dedicated Zulu speaker to explain things in English, we are dwindling our already slim exposure to Zulu down even further. If in a 30 min lesson, a child actually hears 30 min of only isiZulu, they will acquire the language much faster and with more competence than a child who, in a 30 min Zulu lesson, only hears 10 words of Zulu amongst predominantly English sentences.
The ZuluMites methodology is radically different to the Zulu teaching happening in most schools in South Africa today, because it is results-driven.
Our Zulu-only teaching environment is our significant value-add, going against the traditional way of teaching second languages that has been ineffective over the years. We can assure parents, that while our approach is so different, it is coupled with fun and energy, delivered by specially trained Zulu teachers, who take pride in their language and culture and pass that passion onto their students.
When it comes to language, ZuluMites is based on the philosophy that language is part of life and cannot be taught in isolation. By combining language learning with an activity, it is both more memorable and more fun! By giving children a reason to speak the language and an environment where they can use it is, we believe, the best classroom model for teaching language. We make learning isiZulu accessible, fun and practical, with a focus on younger learners. Our methodology leverages high teacher to student ratio, native speakers, a full immersion environment, and a practical activities-based curriculum that we have developed ourselves.
Should you have any further questions about our methodology, please do not hesitate to be in touch.
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IsiZulu Past Exam Papers (Grade 12, 11 & 10)
Find IsiZulu Grade 12 Past Exam Papers (Grade 12, 11 & 10) | National Senior Certificate (NSC) Solved Previous Years Papers in South Africa.
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This guide provides information about IsiZulu Past Exam Papers (Grade 12, 11 & 10) for 2019, 2018, 2017, 2016, 2015, 2014, 2013, 2012, 2011, 2010, 2009, 2008 and others in South Africa. Download IsiZulu Past Exam Papers (Grade 12, 11 & 10) in PDF with marking scheme. IsiZulu Past Exam Papers (Grade 12, 11 & 10) question papers with marking scheme issued by National Senior Certificate (NSC) only is given to download.
The National Senior Certificate (NSC) examinations commonly referred to as “matric” has become an annual event of major public significance. It not only signifies the culmination of twelve years of formal schooling but the NSC examinations is a barometer of the health of the education system.
IMAGES
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C.S.Z. Ntuli's essays. Although there are very few essay books in Zulu, C.S.Z. Ntuli has proved to be the best essay writer. In this study an attempt will also be made to give a clear definition of an essay. The origin, emergence and development of Zulu essays will also be discussed. The study will also include the content of essays, i.e. subjects
The efforts of non-native speakers to learn the Zulu language in South Africa reveal a great deal about the dynamics of colonialism and the formations that succeeded it. Drawing insight from his own attempts to learn Zulu, the author deciphers this little-documented history. Colenso. Harriette Emily. Fanagalo.
Learning Zulu: A secret history of language in South Africa. Mark Sanders. Johannesburg: Wits University Press, 2016. 191pp. EAN: 978-1-86814-870-7. Taking a leaf from the book under review, I'll start by injecting an autobiographical element. Much of what Sanders examines here echoes my own experience, after Zimbabwe's independence, of heading ...
The most important institutions were mission and state-led primary education programs in which standard, literary Zulu functioned as a mandatory language subject between the 1850s and the 1990s ...
Abstract. This article reports on a study of language and cultural identity of mother-tongue Zulu students at an English-medium South African university. The data consist of focus group interviews ...
Introduction. Zulu Footnote 1 is the most spoken mother tongue in South Africa, spoken by over a fifth of the population. Zulu is the mother tongue of the vast majority of people in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. According to the website South Africa Info, 78% of people here speak Zulu.
This essay rejects the primordialist answer, which holds that language and ethnic identity are naturally occurring as well as naturally related phenomena. Instead, it argues that a language-based Zulu identity emerged due to a complex historical process involving human decision-making about what constitutes the Zulu language and who speaks it ...
3.1 INDABA ELANDAYO (NARRATIVE ESSAY) Lena indaba lapho umbhali okukanye umxoxi exoxa ngesigameko esithile esake senzeka kuye, ake asibona senzeka komunye noma axoxelwa ngaso. Kuyenzeka kokunye umbhali abhale indaba ayisusela ekhanda. Lokho siyakuthola kwenzeka kakhulu kubafundi (ezikoleni).
The largest rural concentration of Zulu people is in Kwa-Zulu Natal. IsiZulu is South Africa's most widely spoken official language. It is a tonal language understood by people from the Cape to Zimbabwe and is characterized by many "clicks". In 2006 it was determined that approximately 9 million South Africans speak Xhosa as a home language.
Dominance of Zulu language and Culture. It is natural for the English children to want to speak English to their teacher and to each other, as this is the language they are most comfortable in and takes the least amount of effort. But by allowing English to take precedence in the Zulu classroom, we are perpetuating the idea that English is the ...
This guide provides information about IsiZulu Past Exam Papers (Grade 12, 11 & 10) for 2019, 2018, 2017, 2016, 2015, 2014, 2013, 2012, 2011, 2010, 2009, 2008 and others in South Africa. Download IsiZulu Past Exam Papers (Grade 12, 11 & 10) in PDF with marking scheme. IsiZulu Past Exam Papers (Grade 12, 11 & 10) question papers with marking scheme issued by National Senior Certificate (NSC ...
Zulu Education Essay. 1048 Words5 Pages. Illiteracy is high among most black South Africans. Nevertheless, education is slowly progressing with the new government. Before, children went to school only if their parents were wealthy enough to afford to send them. Schooling started at seven years old and continued until about twenty-four years old.
Shaka (born c. 1787—died Sept. 22, 1828) was a Zulu chief (1816-28), founder of Southern Africa 's Zulu Empire. He is credited with creating a fighting force that devastated the entire region. His life is the subject of numerous colourful and exaggerated stories, many of which are debated by historians.
An Essay in zulu is called indaba. Iluphi ushintsho olwenziwe yi covid ezikoleni? Ngabe i covid iwuphazamise kanjani umnotho walelizwe. Yini esingayenza ukuvikela ucovid kulelizwe? Isizulu essay about covid-19: umthelela we covid-19 eningizimu afrika ; Singazivikela kanjani kubhubhane lokhuvethe ...
After this lesson you will know the following: Different types of essays, Narrative essay, Descriptive essay, Picture essay. you will know what is important under each type of subject and prepare to write an essay and the Structure of a well-written essay. Ngemuva kwalesi sifundo nizokwazi nakhu okulandelayo: Izinhlobo ezahlukene zama - eseyi , Indaba elandisayo , Indaba echazayo , Indaba ...
This study guide is intended to serve as a resource for teachers and learners. It provides notes, examples, problem-solving exercises with solutions and examples of practical activities. Language: isiZulu. Curriculum Alignment: CAPS aligned. Publication Date: 2022-02-10. Grades:
Get a custom Essay on The Zulu Nation's History and Culture. Before examining the uniqueness of the tribe, it is vital to identify it as a society. The Zulu people live on the continent of Africa, in the southern part of it, which is known as KwaZulu-Natal. In Zulu, "Zulu" means "sky," and the word Zulu translates as "sky people ...
Stellenbosch Papers in Linguistics 38(1): 1-26. South African Journal of African Languages 2019, 39(2): ... ICT use in education is at a particularly dynamic stage in Africa; new developments ...
Writing an Essay in isiZulu Writing an essay in isiZulu follows a similar structure to essays in other languages. Here are the basic steps to follow: Choose a Topic: Select a. On Studocu you find all the lecture notes, summaries and study guides you need to pass your exams with better grades.
Zulu Culture Essay. The Zulus tribe is an independent clan and the largest ethnic group in South Africa. The Zulu clan reputation is well known for their proud, fierce, and barbaric behavior. According to Ethnologies, in 1816 a new chief Shaka Zulu conquered and created a nation that was named after him. His descendants made up the Zulu clan.
in higher education institutions. The programme was introduced to actively support the transformation of the country. The introduction of the bilingual foundation phase programme taught in English and isiZulu emanates from two direct sources. These are the Language in Education Policy of 1997; and the language policy in one South African
Essay about The Zulu Clan. The Zulu Clan In the 1820's, during a period of social unrest and warfare, the Zulu clan, a Bantu people, rose to political prominence under the great King Shaka in present-day South Africa. This period is called mfecane, or "crushing" because it was characterized by Shaka's tyrannous reign during which he conquered ...
Ukubhala i-eseyi / Indaba: IsiZulu Grade 10 - 12 Essay Guide. Iyini Indaba. UKUBHALWA KWENDABA/-ESEYI. Isingeniso: Umzimba. Isiphetho. Inqubo Yokubhala. Zilungiselele ngaphambi kokubhala. Yakha izinhlaka zokuqala.