essay on capital punishment in hindi

Hindi Law Blog

capital punishment
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भारत में कैपिटल पनिशमेंट का विकास और किन सभी को मृत्युदंड से बाहर रखा गया है

यह लेख सिम्बायोसिस लॉ स्कूल, नोएडा की प्रथम वर्ष की छात्रा Khushi Agrawal ने लिखा है। उन्होंने कैपिटल पनिशमेंट की अवधारणाओं (कांसेप्ट) और भारतीय संविधान के आर्टिकल 21 पर विस्तार से चर्चा की है। इस लेख का अनुवाद Divyansha Saluja द्वारा किया गया है।

Table of Contents

कैपिटल पनिशमेंट क्या है?

कैपिटल पनिशमेंट को मौत की सजा के रूप में भी जाना जाता है, एक अपराधी को कोर्ट द्वारा एक अपराध की सजा के बाद मौत की सजा दी जाती है। कैपिटल पनिशमेंट, इंडियन जस्टिस सिस्टम के महत्वपूर्ण भागों में से एक है।

भारत में कैपिटल पनिशमेंट का विकास

भारत ने 1947 में स्वतंत्रता के समय 1861 की क्रिमिनल कोड को लागू किया, जिसमें मर्डर के लिए मृत्युदंड का प्रावधान (प्रोविज़न) था। 1947 और 1949 के बीच भारतीय संविधान के प्रारूपण (ड्राफ्टिंग) के दौरान संविधान सभा के कई सदस्यों द्वारा, मृत्युदंड की सजा को समाप्त करने का विचार व्यक्त किया गया था, लेकिन संविधान में ऐसा कोई प्रावधान शामिल नहीं किया गया था। अगले दो दशकों में, मृत्युदंड को समाप्त करने के लिए, लोकसभा और राज्य सभा दोनों में निजी सदस्यों के बिल पेश किए गए, लेकिन उनमें से किसी को भी स्वीकार नहीं किया गया। यह अनुमान लगाया गया था कि 1950 और 1980 के बीच, 3000 से 4000 निष्पादन (अग्जिकयुशन) हुए थे। 1980 और 1990 के मध्य के बीच मृत्युदंड और फांसी की सजा पाए लोगों की संख्या को मापना अधिक कठिन है। ऐसा अनुमान है कि प्रतिवर्ष दो या तीन लोगों को फाँसी दी जाती थी। 1980 के बचन सिंह के फैसले में, सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने कहा कि मृत्यु दंड का इस्तेमाल केवल “रेयरेस्ट ऑफ़ रेयर” मामलों में ही किया जाना चाहिए, लेकिन यह स्पष्ट नहीं है कि क्या रेयरेस्ट ऑफ़ रेयर को परिभाषित करता है।

भारत में स्थिति

भारत ने मृत्युदंड पर रोक लगाने के लिए यूनाइटेड नेशंस के प्रस्ताव का विरोध किया क्योंकि यह भारतीय वैधानिक (स्टेट्यूटरी) कानून के साथ-साथ प्रत्येक देश की अपनी कानूनी प्रणाली स्थापित करने के संप्रभु (सॉवरेन) अधिकार के खिलाफ है।

भारत में, यह सबसे गंभीर अपराधों के लिए प्रदान किया जाता है। यह हिनियस और गंभीर अपराधों के लिए दिया जाता है। आर्टिकल 21 कहता है कि किसी भी व्यक्ति को ‘जीवन के अधिकार’ से वंचित (डिप्राइव) नहीं किया जाएगा जिसका वादा भारत के प्रत्येक नागरिक से किया गया है। भारत में, क्रिमिनल कॉन्सपिरेसी, मर्डर, सरकार के खिलाफ युद्ध, विद्रोह (म्यूटीनी) के लिए उकसाना, मर्डर के साथ डकैती और आतंकवाद विरोधी जैसे विभिन्न अपराध इंडियन पीनल कोड (आई.पी.सी.) के तहत मृत्युदंड के साथ दंडनीय हैं। मृत्युदंड के मामले में राष्ट्रपति को मर्सी देने का अधिकार है। बचन सिंह बनाम स्टेट ऑफ़ पंजाब में, कोर्ट ने माना कि मृत्युदंड केवल रेयरेस्ट ऑफ़ रेयर मामलों में ही दिया जाएगा।

मृत्युदंड से संबंधित मामलों में मर्सी प्रदान करने का अधिकार केवल राष्ट्रपति के पास होता है। सेशंस कोर्ट द्वारा किसी मामले में एक बार किसी दोषी को मौत की सजा सुनाए जाने के बाद, इसकी पुष्टि (कन्फर्म) हाई कोर्ट द्वारा की जानी चाहिए। यदि दोषी द्वारा सुप्रीम कोर्ट में की गई अपील विफल हो जाती है तो वह भारत के राष्ट्रपति को ‘मर्सी पिटीशन’ प्रस्तुत कर सकता है। मृत्युदंड के दोषियों की ओर से मर्सी पिटीशन से निपटने के लिए स्टेट्स द्वारा प्रक्रिया पर विस्तृत निर्देशों (इंस्ट्रक्शंस) का पालन किया जाना चाहिए। सुप्रीम कोर्ट में अपील और ऐसे दोषियों द्वारा उस कोर्ट में अपील करने के लिए विशेष अनुमति के लिए अनुरोध मिनिस्ट्री ऑफ़ होम अफेयर्स द्वारा निर्धारित किया जाएगा। भारत के संविधान के आर्टिकल 72 के तहत, राष्ट्रपति को किसी अपराध के लिए दोषी ठहराए गए किसी भी व्यक्ति की सजा को क्षमा करने, राहत देने, या छूट देने या सजा को निलंबित (रिमिशन) करने, हटाने या कम करने की शक्ति है।

भारत में निष्पादन के कौन से तरीके अपनाए जाते हैं (व्हाट आर द अग्जिक्युशन मेथड्स फ़ॉलोड इन इंडिया)?

भारत में निष्पादन के दो तरीके हैं और वे कुछ इस प्रकार हैं:

भारत में सभी मृत्युदंड, अपराधी को फांसी पर लटका कर दिए जाते हैं। स्वतंत्रता के बाद, महात्मा गांधी के मामले में गोडसे, मृत्युदंड द्वारा भारत में निष्पादित होने वाले पहले व्यक्ति थे। भारत के सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने सुझाव दिया कि मृत्युदंड केवल भारत में रेयरेस्ट ऑफ़ रेयर मामलों में ही दिया जाना चाहिए।

आर्मी एक्ट, 1950 के तहत, फांसी और शूटिंग दोनों को मिलिट्री कोर्ट-मार्शल सिस्टम में निष्पादन के आधिकारिक तरीकों के रूप में सूचीबद्ध (लिस्ट) किया गया है।

मृत्युदंड किन अपराधों में दिया जाता है?

वे अपराध जिनमे मृत्युदंड की सजा दी जाती हैं:

क्रोध में (एग्रावेटेड) मर्डर

यह इंडियन पीनल कोड, 1860 की धारा 302 के तहत अपराधी को मौत की सजा दी जाती है। बचन सिंह बनाम पंजाब स्टेट में,भारत के सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने माना कि मृत्युदंड केवल तभी संवैधानिक है जब एक असाधारण दंड जैसे की ” रेयरेस्ट ऑफ़ रेयर” मामलो में लागू किया जाता है ।

अन्य अपराध जिसके परिणामस्वरूप मृत्यु होती है

इंडियन पीनल कोड में आर्म्ड रॉबरी के दौरान मर्डर करने वाले व्यक्ति को मृत्यदंड दिया जाता है। पैसे के लिए पीड़िता का एब्डक्शन करते समय अगर पीड़ित का मर्डर कर दिया जाता है, तो वह मृत्यदंड के साथ दंडनीय है। संगठित (ऑर्गेनाइज़्ड) अपराध में शामिल होना, अगर यह मौत की ओर ले जाता है, तो मौत की सजा दी जाती है। किसी अन्य व्यक्ति को सती करने या करने में मदद करने पर भी मृत्युदंड दिया जाता है।

आतंकवाद से संबंधित अपराध जिसके परिणामस्वरूप मृत्यु नहीं होती

मोहम्मद अफजल को 9 फरवरी 2013 को फांसी पर लटका दिया गया था। उन्हें भारत की संसद पर दिसंबर 2001 को हमला करने के लिए मार डाला गया था जिसमें 9 लोग बंदूक और विस्फोटक से लैस 5 बंदूकधारियों (गनमैन) द्वारा मारे गए थे। 2008 में एकमात्र जीवित शूटर मोहम्मद अजमल आमिर कसाब को 21 नवंबर 2012 को भारत पर युद्ध छेड़ने, मर्डर और आतंकवादी कृत्यों सहित विभिन्न अपराधों को करने के लिए फांसी दी गई थी।

किसी विशेष श्रेणी के विस्फोटक का उपयोग विस्फोट का कारण बनने के लिए जो जीवन को खतरे में डाल सकता है या संपत्ति को गंभीर नुकसान पहुंचा सकता है, तो वह मृत्युदंड से दंडनीय है।

यदि रेप से पीड़ित की मृत्यु नहीं होती

एक व्यक्ति जो सेक्शुअल असॉल्ट में चोट पहुंचाता है जिसके परिणामस्वरूप पीड़ित की मृत्यु हो जाती है या उसे “परसिस्टेंट वेजीटेटिवे स्टेट” में छोड़ दिया जाता है, तो उसे क्रिमिनल लॉ एक्ट, 2013 के तहत मौत की सजा दी जा सकती है।

गैंग रेप मृत्युदंड के साथ दंडनीय हैं। ये बदलाव नई दिल्ली में, मेडिकल छात्रा ज्योति सिंह पांडे के 2012 के गैंग रेप और मौत के बाद किये गए थे।

2018 के क्रिमिनल लॉ ऑर्डिनेंस के अनुसार, जो व्यक्ति 12 साल से कम उम्र की लड़की के साथ रेप करता है, उसे मौत की सजा दी जा सकती है या जुर्माने के साथ 20 साल की जेल हो सकती है। 2018 का अमेंडमेंट 12 साल से कम उम्र की लड़की के गैंग रेप के लिए मृत्यदंड या आजीवन कारावास को भी निर्दिष्ट (स्पेसिफाई) करता है। आपराधिक कानून में ये बदलाव 8 साल की लड़की के रेप और मर्डर के बाद हुए, जिसका नाम आसिफा बानो था, और मामले ने जम्मू और कश्मीर में और देश भर में बहुत सारी राजनीतिक अशांति (अनरेस्ट) पैदा की। ।

यदि अपहरण मे मौत नहीं होती

इंडियन पीनल कोड, 1860 की धारा 364A के अनुसार, अपहरण, जिसके परिणामस्वरूप मृत्यु न हो, तो वह मृत्यु से दंडनीय अपराध है। यदि कोई व्यक्ति किसी का अपहरण करता है और उसे मारने या उसे नुकसान पहुंचाने की धमकी देता है, जिसके दौरान अपहरणकर्ता के कार्य के परिणामस्वरूप वास्तव में पीड़ित की मृत्यु हो जाती है, तो इस धारा के तहत वह उत्तरदायी होगा।

नशीले पदार्थों की तस्करी (ट्रेफिकिंग) करते समय यदि किसी की मृत्यु नहीं होती

यदि कोई व्यक्ति किसी नशीले पदार्थों की तस्करी के अपराधों में से किसी एक को करने या किसी को उकसाने, या आपराधिक साजिश करने का प्रयास करता है, या कुछ प्रकार के नारकोटिक्स और साइकोट्रॉपिक सब्सटेंस के फाइनेंस के लिए दोषी ठहराया जाता है, तो उसे मौत की सजा दी जा सकती है।

राजद्रोह (ट्रिसन)

मृत्युदंड किसी भी व्यक्ति को दिया जाता है जो सरकार के खिलाफ युद्ध छेड़ने या लड़ने की कोशिश करता है और नौसेना, सेना, या वायु सेना के अधिकारियों, सैनिकों या सदस्यों को विद्रोह (म्यूटिनी) करने में मदद कर रहा है।

सैन्य अपराध जिसके परिणामस्वरूप पीड़ित की मृत्यु नहीं होती

सेना या नौसेना या वायु सेना के किसी सदस्य द्वारा किए गए हमले, विद्रोह या वायु सैनिक, सैनिक, नाविक को अपने कर्तव्य और विभिन्न अन्य अपराधों से बहकाने के प्रयास के लिए मौत की सजा दी जाती है।

अन्य अपराध जिसके परिणामस्वरूप पीड़ित की मृत्यु नहीं होती

यदि कोई व्यक्ति आपराधिक साजिश का एक पक्ष है तो मृत्युदंड की सजा दी जाती है।
आजीवन कारावास की सजा पाने वालों को मारने का प्रयास करने के लिए मौत की सजा दी जा सकती है यदि पीड़ित को प्रयास से नुकसान पहुंचाया जाता है।
यदि कोई व्यक्ति इस ज्ञान के साथ झूठा साक्ष्य (एविडेंस) प्रदान करता है कि इससे शेड्यूल कास्ट या ट्राइब के व्यक्ति को ऐसे साक्ष्य के आधार पर मृत्युदंड के लिए दोषी ठहराया जा सकता है, तो उसे मृत्युदंड से दंडित किया जाएगा यदि इसका परिणाम दोष सिद्ध होता है और एक निर्दोष व्यक्ति को फांसी की सजा से दण्डित किया जाता है।

किस श्रेणी के अपराधियों को मृत्युदंड से बाहर रखा गया है?

भारत में कानून के अनुसार, अपराध करने के समय 18 वर्ष से कम आयु के माइनर को फांसी नहीं दी जाती है।

गर्भवती महिला

2009 के अमेंडमेंट के अनुसार मौत की सजा पाने वाली गर्भवती महिला को क्षमादान (क्लेमेंसी) दिया जाना चाहिए।

बौद्धिक रूप से अक्षम (इंटेलेक्चुअली डिसेबल्ड)

इंडियन पीनल कोड के अनुसार, यदि कोई व्यक्ति अपराध करते समय मानसिक रूप से बीमार होता है या अपराध की प्रकृति को समझने में सक्षम नहीं होता या कार्य गलत होता है, तो उस व्यक्ति को कानून के तहत उत्तरदायी ठहराया जा सकता है और उसे मृत्युदंड से दंडित किया जा सकता है ।

संवैधानिकता (कांस्टीट्यूशनल लॉ)

संविधान का आर्टिकल 21 सभी को जीवन और व्यक्तिगत (पर्सनल) स्वतंत्रता के अधिकार की गारंटी देता है, जिसमें मानवीय गरिमा (डिग्निटी) के साथ जीने का अधिकार भी शामिल है। स्टेट, कानून और सार्वजनिक व्यवस्था (ऑर्डर) के नाम पर जीने का अधिकार भी छीन सकता है या कम कर सकता है। लेकिन यह प्रक्रिया “उचित प्रक्रिया” होनी चाहिए जैसा कि मेनका गांधी बनाम यूनियन ऑफ़ इंडिया में कहा गया था। मनुष्य के पवित्र जीवन को छीनने वाली प्रक्रिया न्यायसंगत (जस्ट), निष्पक्ष (फेयर) और उचित होनी चाहिए। हमारे संवैधानिक सिद्धांत इस प्रकार है

केवल रेयरेस्ट ऑफ़ रेयर मामलों में ही मृत्युदंड का उपयोग किया जाना चाहिए।
केवल विशेष आधारों पर ही मृत्युदंड की सजा दी जा सकती है और इसे असाधारण सजा के रूप में माना जाना चाहिए।
आरोपी को सुनवाई का अधिकार होगा।
व्यक्तिगत परिस्थितियों को देख कर ही, सजा को व्यक्तिगत किया जाना चाहिए।
मृत्युदंड की पुष्टि हाई कोर्ट द्वारा की जाएगी। संविधान के आर्टिकल 136 के तहत और सी.आर.पी.सी की धारा 379 के तहत, सुप्रीम कोर्ट में अपील करने का अधिकार है।
सी.आर.पी.सी. की धारा 433 और 434 के तहत आरोपी, सजा की क्षमा, परिवर्तन आदि के लिए प्रार्थना कर सकता है, और आर्टिकल 72 और 161 के तहत राष्ट्रपति या गवर्नर्स को भी यह शक्ति दी गयी है। आर्टिकल 72 और 161 में न्यायिक शक्ति के अलावा, राष्ट्रपति और गवर्नर के लिए मामले के गुण-दोष में हस्तक्षेप (इंटरफेयर) करने की विवेकाधीन (डिस्क्रेशनरी) शक्ति शामिल है; हालांकि, न्यायिक अधिकारियों के पास इसकी समीक्षा (रिव्यू) करने के लिए एक सीमित अधिकार है और यह सुनिश्चित करना चाहिए कि राष्ट्रपति या गवर्नर के पास सभी प्रासंगिक (रेलिवेंट) दस्तावेज और सामग्री उनके सामने हों।
हालांकि, गवर्नर की शक्ति का सार (एसेंस) जाति, धर्म, जाति या राजनीतिक संबद्धता पर नहीं, बल्कि कानून के शासन और तर्कसंगत मुद्दों पर होना चाहिए।
संविधान के आर्टिकल 21 और 22 के अनुसार आरोपी को त्वरित (प्रांप्ट) और निष्पक्ष सुनवाई का अधिकार है।
आरोपी, आर्टिकल 21 और 22 के तहत प्रताड़ित (टॉर्चर्ड) होने का हकदार नहीं है।
संविधान के आर्टिकल 21 और 19 के तहत, आरोपी को हिरासत में बोलने और अभिव्यक्ति की स्वतंत्रता है।
आरोपी को विधिवत (ड्यूली) रूप से योग्य और नियुक्त वकीलों द्वारा पेश किए जाने का हक है।

निर्णय विधि (केस लॉज़)

जगमोहन बनाम स्टेट ऑफ़ यू.पी . में, सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने माना कि आर्टिकल 14 , 19 और 21 मृत्युदंड का उल्लंघन नहीं करते हैं। जज को परिस्थितियों, तथ्यों और मुकदमे के दौरान दर्ज अपराध की प्रकृति के आधार पर मृत्यदंड और आजीवन कारावास के बीच चुनाव करने के लिए कहा गया था, इसलिए मृत्युदंड देने का निर्णय आर्टिकल 21 द्वारा आवश्यक कानून द्वारा निर्धारित प्रक्रिया के अनुसार किया गया था।

लेकिन, राजेंद्र प्रसाद बनाम स्टेट ऑफ़ यूपी , में जज ने कहा कि जब तक यह नहीं दिखाया जाता कि अपराधी समाज के लिए खतरनाक है, मृत्युदंड देना उचित नहीं होगा। माननीय जज ने निवेदन किया कि मृत्युदंड को समाप्त कर दिया गया है और कहा कि इसे केवल “व्हाइट कालर अपराधों” के लिए ही रखा जाना चाहिए। यह भी माना गया कि मर्डर के अपराध के लिए मृत्य दंड आई.पी.सी.की धारा 302 ने संविधान के बेसिक फीचर का उल्लंघन नहीं किया।

लेकिन, बचन सिंह बनाम स्टेट ऑफ़ पंजाब में, कोर्ट ने समझाया कि, कानून द्वारा निर्धारित एक समान, निष्पक्ष और उचित प्रक्रिया के अनुसार, सुप्रीम कोर्ट की संवैधानिक बेंच ने स्टेट को अपराधियों को आर्टिकल 21 के तहत उसके जीवन के अधिकार से वंचित करने को मान्यता दी है। इसके अलावा, आई.पी.सी की धारा 302 के तहत दिए गए मर्डर के अपराध के लिए मृत्युदंड द्वारा संविधान के मूल चरित्र का उल्लंघन नहीं किया गया था।

निष्कर्ष (कंक्लूज़न)

यह एक विवादित (कॉन्ट्रोवर्शियल) विषय है जो सामाजिक और नैतिक (मोरल) पहलू से जुड़ा है। कोर्ट ने मौत की सजा चुने जाने से पहले समाप्त होने वाले “दूसरे विकल्पों” की सीमा का विस्तार किया और सुप्रीम कोर्ट ने बचन सिंह के मामले में दोषसिद्धि (कन्विक्शन) के पक्ष में फैसला सुनाया और मृत्युदंड को बरकरार रखते हुए कहा की, हम किसी ऐसे जो निर्दोष हो व्यक्ति को मौत की सजा नहीं दे सकते।

AIR 1980 SC 898
1978 AIR 597, 1978 SCR (2) 621
1973 1 SCC 20
1979 3 SCC 646
1980 2 SCC 68 4

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HindiinHindi

Essay on capital punishment in hindi मृत्युदंड पर निबंध.

Read an essay on Capital Punishment in Hindi language. Know more about capital punishment in Hindi in points for every youth and students of class 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12. मृत्युदंड पर निबंध।

Essay on Capital Punishment in Hindi

क्या मौत की सजा समाप्त कर देनी चाहिए ? इसके पक्ष और विपक्ष में अपने विचार दीजिए।

पक्ष में विचार

1. सरकार को किसी की जान लेने का अधिकार नहीं है। मनुष्य भगवान् द्वारा बनाया हुआ एक सामाजिक प्राणी है। भगवान् द्वारा मनुष्य के शरीर में सांस फूंक दिए जाने से मनुष्य की कार्यप्रणाली ठीक प्रकार चलती है। यह सब प्रकृति की देन है इसलिए सरकार को किसी की जान लेने का कोई अधिकार नहीं है।

2. मौत की सजा से पापी मरता है, पाप नहीं। अपराधी को उसके जघन्य पाप की सजा ‘सजा-ए-मौत’ से अपराध को खत्म नहीं किया जा सकता। सरकार को चाहिए कि वह पाप को खत्म करे न कि पापी को।

3. यदि अपराधी को सजा देनी है तो इससे पहले उसको सुधरने का एक मौका अवश्य देना चाहिए, क्योंकि प्रत्येक अपराधी को अपराध करने के बाद अफसोस जरूर होता है। अत: वह पश्चाताप करना चाहता है।

4. मौत की सजा से बढ़कर सख्त सजा कोई नहीं है। अपराधी वास्तव में कई बार बेकसूर होता है और बाद में वह निरपराध घोषित हो जाता है तो उसको बिना कारण ही जान से हाथ धोना पड़ता है। अत: सरकार को मौत की सजा की बजाए कोई वैकल्पिक सजा देनी चाहिए।

विपक्ष में विचार

1. अपराधी को सजा न दी जाए तो उसको और अधिक अपराध करने की आदत पड़ जाती है। उसको तथा औरों को कानून के डर का अहसास करवाने के लिए सजा देना बहुत आवश्यक है।

2. यदि अपराधी कोई गम्भीर अपराध करता है तो उसको उस भयानक और खतरनाक अपराध की सजा देना बहुत जरूरी हो जाता है, क्योंकि गम्भीर अपराध की सजा भी गम्भीर होनी चाहिए।

3. मौत से बड़ी सजा कोई नहीं है क्योंकि संगीन और खतरनाक अपराध की सजा मौत है। इसलिए बदमाश लोगों, विशेषकर पेशेवर अपराधियों को, यह सजा देनी ही पड़ती है, ताकि कमजोर लोगों के दिल में इसका विश्वास हो जाए कि उनका जीवन सुरक्षित है।

4. लोगों के दिल में यह विश्वास बैठाने के लिए कि कानून भी कोई चीज है, ऐसी सजा को लागू करना जरूरी हो जाता है। अतः इस प्रकार की सजा अपराधी को अवश्य दी जानी चाहिए।

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Explained: क्या है कैपिटल पनिशमेंट और क्यों लगातार विवादों में रहा?

मृत्युदंड यानी कैपिटल पनिशमेंट पर बहस एक बार फिर गर्म हो गई (Photo-news18 creative)

मानवाधिकार संस्थाएं दलील देती रही हैं कि मृत्युदंड (capital punishment) से अपराधी के सुधरने की गुंजाइश खत्म हो जाती है. ...अधिक पढ़ें

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Last Updated : March 22, 2021, 11:29 IST
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उत्तरप्रदेश के अमरोहा में अप्रैल 2008 में एक हत्याकांड को लेकर खासा बवाल हुआ था, जिसमें शबनम नाम की युवती ने अपने प्रेमी के साथ मिलकर अपने ही परिजनों की हत्या कर दी थी. मृतकों में लगभग 11 महीने का शिशु भी था. इस मामले में सर्वोच्च न्यायालय ने शबनम को फांसी की सजा सुनाई, हालांकि फांसी रोकने के लिए दोषी ने दया याचिका भेजी, जिसके कारण सजा कुछ समय के लिए स्थगित हो गई. इस बीच मृत्युदंड यानी कैपिटल पनिशमेंट पर बहस एक बार फिर गर्म है.

क्यों हो रही है चर्चा शबनम मामले के साथ लगातार मृत्युदंड पर चर्चा हो रही है कि क्या इसे हमेशा के लिए खत्म कर देना चाहिए. इस सजा के खिलाफ बोलने वालों की दलील है कि मौत के साथ ही अपराधी के सुधर सकने की गुंजाइश खत्म हो जाती है. साथ ही ये भी कहा जा रहा है कि मौत के डर से अपराधी पीड़ित को जान से मार दे, ऐसी आशंका बढ़ती है. इस बारे में अंग्रेजी अखबार इंडियन एक्सप्रेस में कानूनविद डॉ फैजन मुस्तफा का संपादकीय विस्तार से बात करता है.

कौन हैं डॉ फैजन मुस्तफा मृत्युदंड के बारे में जानने से पहले एक बार डॉ मुस्तफा के बारे में जानते हैं. वे शिक्षाविद के साथ-साथ कानून के जानकार भी हैं. फिलहाल वे हैदराबाद की NALSAR यूनिवर्सिटी ऑफ लॉ के वाइस-चांसलर हैं. डॉ मुस्तफा ने अलीगढ़ मुस्लिम यूनिवर्सिटी से इतिहास और कानून में ग्रेजुएशन के बाद यहीं से एलएलएम भी किया. इसके अलावा वे कॉपीराइट लॉ में डॉक्टरेट हैं. हालांकि डॉ मुस्तफा केवल पढ़ने-पढ़ाने से नहीं जुड़े, बल्कि वे लगातार नए-नए विषयों पर आम लोगों से संपादकीय के जरिए बात करने की कोशिश करते रहते हैं. खासकर कानून पर वे साधारण भाषा में लगातार लिखते हैं ताकि लोगों में जागरुकता आए.

शबनम नाम की युवती ने अपने प्रेमी के साथ मिलकर अपने ही परिजनों की हत्या कर दी थी

अब बारी आती है कि क्या है कैपिटल पनिशमेंट, जो लगातार चर्चा में रहा. किसी व्यक्ति को कानूनी तौर पर न्यायिक प्रक्रिया के तहत किसी अपराध के लिए मौत देना ही कैपिटल पनिशमेंट है. हमारे देश में ये सजा दुर्लभ से दुर्लभतम मामलों में ही दी जाती है.

ये भी पढ़ें: Explained: महिलाओं से जुड़ा वो समझौता, जिससे अलग हो तुर्की राष्ट्रपति घिर गए हैं

निर्भया मामले से आया मोड़ दिसंबर, 2012 के दिल्ली के निर्भया गैंगरेप व हत्या मामले के बाद संविधान संशोधन के जरिए आईपीसी की धारा—376 (ई) के तहत बार-बार बलात्कार के दोषियों को उम्रकैद या मौत की सजा का प्रावधान किया गया था. बॉम्बे हाईकोर्ट ने बार-बार बलात्कार के दोषी को उम्रकैद या मौत की सजा देने के लिए आईपीसी की धारा में किए गए इस संशोधन की संवैधानिकता को बरकरार रखा. रेप भारतीय कानून के तहत गंभीर श्रेणी में आता है. इस अपराध के लिए भारतीय दंड संहिता में धारा 376 व 375 के तहत सजा का प्रावधान है. वहीं, केंद्र सरकार ने 12 साल से कम उम्र की बच्चियों से बलात्कार के मामलों में दोषी ठहराए गए व्यक्तियों को मृत्युदंड सहित सख्त सजा देने का अध्यादेश जारी किया था.

ये भी पढ़ें: Biden की लड़खड़ाहट के बीच जानें, उन अमेरिकी नेताओं को जो गंभीर बीमारियां छिपाते रहे

सरकार के विरोध में लड़ाई छेड़ने पर सजा सरकार के खिलाफ युद्ध छेड़ने या ऐसी कोशिश करने वाले को आईपीसी की धाारा—121 के तहत मौत की सजा का प्रावधान किया गया है. इस अपराध में अगर फांसी की सजा नहीं दी जाती है तो आजीवन कैद और जुर्माना भी लगाया जा सकता है. वहीं, अगर सेना, वायुसेना या नौसेना का कोई अधिकारी या सैनिक सरकार के खिलाफ अपने साथियों या आम लेागों को सरकार के खिलाफ विद्रोह के लिए उकसाता है और विद्रोह भड़क जाता है तो दोषी को धारा—132 के तहत मौत की सजा का प्रावधान है. इस अपराध में भी आजीवन कारावास या 10 साल तक की कठोर कारावास और जुर्माने की सजा भी दी सकती है.

किसी व्यक्ति को कानूनी तौर पर न्यायिक प्रक्रिया के तहत किसी अपराध के लिए मौत देना ही कैपिटल पनिशमेंट है- सांकेतिक फोटो (pixabay)

आत्महत्या के लिए उकसाना अगर कोई व्यक्ति बच्चों या 18 वर्ष से कम उम्र के किशोर व युवाओं को आत्महत्या के लिए उकसाता है और उसकी ऐसी कोशिश में मौत हो जाती है तो दोषी को आईपीसी की धारा—305 के तहत सजा—ए—मौत की व्यवस्था की गई है. इसी धारा के तहत पागल या मंदबुद्धि व्यक्ति को भी आत्महत्या के लिए उकसाने के बाद किए गए प्रयास में मौत हो जाने पर मृत्युदंड का प्रावधान है. इस धारा के तहत मौत की सजा नहीं दिए जाने पर 10 वर्ष से लेकर उम्रकैद तक का प्रावधान है. वहीं, कोर्ट सजा के साथ जुर्माना भी लगा सकता है.

रेलवे में भी मौत की सजा आईपीसी के अलावा भारतीय रेल अधिनियम की धारा—124 के तहत भी मौत की सजा का प्रावधान है. अगर कोई व्यक्ति यह जानते हुए भी ट्रेन को नुकसान पहुंचाता है कि इससे यात्रियों की जान जा सकती है तो इस धारा के तहत उसे मौत की सजा दी जा सकती है. आपातकाल में प्रभावी होने वाले डिफेंस आफ इंडिया एक्ट की धारा—18—2 के तहत विशेष न्यायालय को फांसी की सजा देने का अधिकार होता है. वहीं, नशीली दवा अधिनियम में भी मौत की सजा का प्रवाधान किया गया है. इन सभी धाराओं में तब तक फांसी नहीं दी जा सकती जब तक कि आईपीसी की धारा—433 के तहत कोर्ट मंजूरी नहीं दे देता.

कुछ श्रेणियों के लोगों को मौत की सजा नहीं दी जाती है- सांकेतिक फोटो (pixabay)

इन लोगों की नहीं दी जा सकती सजा इनके अलावा कुछ श्रेणियों के लोगों को मौत की सजा नहीं दी जाती है. जैसे कि 15 साल के कम उम्र के बच्चे को किसी हाल में मौत की सजा नहीं सुनाई जाती है. गर्भवती महिलाएं भी इस सजा से बची रहती हैं. जैसे शबनम मामले को ही लें तो उसने जेल में ही बच्चे को जन्म दिया था. अब बच्चा लगभग 12 साल का है और अब शबनम की फांसी की बात हुई है. हालांकि इसपर भी अस्थायी तौर पर रोक लग गई. मानसिक रूप से बीमार लोगों को किसी हाल में कैपिटल पनिशमेंट नहीं दी जाती. इसके अलावा 70 या इससे अधिक उम्र के लोगों को भी कानून में मौत की सजा का प्रावधान नहीं है.

इसके बाद भी दोषी के पास अपने बचाव के कई रास्ते होते हैं. जैसे वो कई दलीलें देते हुए, या उस वक्त में अपने साथ किसी मुश्किल का हवाला देते हुए इस दया याचिका लगा सकता है. मानवाधिकार संस्थाएं भी उसमें उसकी मदद करती हैं.

Tags: Supreme court of india

मृत्यु दंड प्रभाव पर निबंध (Is Death Penalty Effective Essay in Hindi)

हमारा समाज कुछ नियमों और कानून के अनुसार कार्य करता है और उन्हीं नियमों और कानून के तहत समाज में शांति और सौहार्द का माहौल बना रहता है। समाज के इसी सौहार्द को सृजनात्मक रूप से चलने के लिए किसी भी देश में कानून और संविधान का निर्माण किया जाता है। संविधान के बनाये इन नियमों को तोड़ना एक दंडनीय अपराध है। इस अपराध की सजा उस अपराध की गंभीरता पर निर्भर करता है। किसी भी गंभीर अपराध की सजा के लिए मृत्युदंड की सजा का भी प्रावधान है। देश के संविधान और मानव के अधिकारों के बीच संघर्ष हमेशा ही चर्चा का विषय रहा है।

क्या मृत्युदंड प्रभावी है पर दीर्घ निबंध (Long Essay on Is Death Penalty Effective in Hindi, Kya Mrityudand Prabhavi hai par Nibandh Hindi mein)

Long essay – 1900 words.

समाज के संवैधानिक कानून और मानवी अधिकारों को बनाये रखने के लिए कुछ गंभीर अपराधों की सजा के लिए मृत्युदंड का प्रावधान है। इस कानून के तहत अपराध को सिद्ध करके अपराधी को यह सजा सुनाई जाती है। जिसके कारण आक्रोश और इस प्रकार की गंभीर आपराधिक घटनाओं पर लगाम लगाया जा सकता है।

मृत्यु दंड क्या है ?

किसी व्यक्ति को उसके अपराध के लिए कानूनी प्रक्रिया के तहत उस अपराध के सिद्ध होने पर उसके प्राणांत की सजा को ही “मृत्युदंड” कहा जाता है। मृत्युदंड को कई और नामों से भी जाना जाता हैं जैसे- डेथ पेनाल्टी (Death Penalty) और कैपिटल पनिशमेंट (Capital Punishment)। इसके तहत कुछ क्रूर अपराध जैसे- हत्या, सामूहिक हत्या, बलात्कार, यौन शोषण, आतंकवाद, युद्ध अपराध, राजद्रोह, इत्यादि मृत्युदंड की सजा के अधीन आती है।

यह सामाजिक अवधारणा है कि समय के साथ ही दंड विधान की प्रक्रिया भी नरम होते जाते है और प्रचलित प्राचीनतम सजा धीरे-धीरे प्रचलन से बहार चली जाती है। मानवी समाज की यह धारणा हैं कि समय के अनुसार सामाज सभ्य होता जाता है और ऐसे सभ्य समाज में ऐसा कानून नहीं होना चाहिए जो उस सभ्य सामाज की सभ्यता के अनुकूल न हो। फाँसी की सजा को भी इसी कसौटी में परखा जाता है।

मृत्युदंड के प्रकार

भारतीय दंड संहिता में हत्या के अपराध को दो श्रेणी में बता गया है- एक इरादतन और दूसरा गैर इरादतन हत्या। सोच-समझकर और जानबूझकर की गयी हत्या को इरादतन हत्या की श्रेणी में रखा गया है, और अपने बचाव या ऐसे जन्मे परिस्थिति में की गयी हत्या को गैर इरादतन हत्या की श्रेणी में रखा गया है। हत्या की परिस्थितियों, उसकी जघन्यता, क्रूरता आदि को ध्यान में रखकर न्यायाधीश उस अपराध की सजा सुनाते है। हत्या इरादतन हो या गैर इरादतन उसकी गंभीरता को देखते हुए उसकी सजा मृत्युदण्ड सुनाई जाती है।

फांसी, घातक इंजेक्शन, पत्थरबाजी, गोलियों से भुनवा देना, बिजली का शॉक देकर, इत्यादि मृत्युदंड लागू करने के कुछ विशेष तरीके है। समयानुसार कई देशों में मृत्युदंड की सजा को समाप्त कर दिया गया है, और कई देशों में क़ानून व्यवस्था को बनाये रखने के लिए आज भी वहां मृत्युदंड का प्रावधान है, जैसे भारत, चीन, सउदी अरब, मिस्र, पाकिस्तान, संयुक्त राज्य अमेरिका, नाइजीरिया, जापान, ईरान, इत्यादि अन्य देशों में फांसी की सजा का प्रावधान आज भी है।

भारत में मृत्युदंड की सजा का इतिहास

विश्व भर में मृत्युदंड की सजा किसी व्यक्ति को उसके अपराध के लिए दी जाने वाली सबसे बड़ी सजा के रूप में जाना जाता है। भारतीय इतिहास में इसका प्रचलन काफी पुराना है, लेकिन हाल के कुछ समय से मृत्युदंड के प्रावधान को ख़त्म करने की चर्चा काफी हो रही है। भारत का संविधान सन 1950 में लागू किया गया था। इससे पहले अंग्रेजी हुकूमत में मृत्युदंड की सजा आसानी से दिया जाता रहा। भारतीय संविधान लागू होने के प्रथम पांच वर्ष में किसी को भी उसके गंभीर अपराध के लिए मृत्युदंड की सजा का प्रावधान था, क्योँकि उस समय मृत्युदंड की सजा का प्रावधान प्रचलन में था। इसके बाद उनके अपराधों की सजा में कुछ बदलाव किया गया।

भारतीय संविधान में किसी अपराधी की सजा उसके अपराध की क्रूरता को ध्यान में रहकर दी जाने की प्रक्रिया शुरू की गयी। अपराधी व्यक्ति की क्रूरता को ध्यान में रखकर उसके अपराध की सजा उम्रकैद या मौत की सजा में मुकम्मल की जाने लगी। आगे चलकर कानून में बदलाव होते रहे और 1973 में गंभीर आपराधिक मामलों में कुछ संशोधन किया गया। सत्र के नयायधीश ने अपराधी को उम्रकैद या मौत की सजा का प्रावधान रखा गया। किसी विशेष मामले में ही मौत की सजा का प्रावधान रखा गया है।

मृत्युदंड के कुछ सकारात्मक पहलू

हम सभी को पता है कि अपराधी को दी जाने वाली मृत्युदंड की सजा सबसे आखिरी और शीर्ष सजा है। कोई भी अपराध करने वाला व्यक्ति कानून का अपराधी होता है, और उसे उसके अपराधों की सजा दी जाती है। किसी व्यक्ति को उसके अपराधों की सजा मृत्युदंड दी जाती है तो उसका अपराध भी उच्च किस्म का होगा जो की जनता और सामाज के लिए नुकसानदायी साबित होगा।

कुछ विशेषज्ञों का तो यह मानना है की मृत्युदंड को लेकर समाज में यह धारणा भी प्रदर्शित होती हैं कि बुरे के साथ हमेशा बुरा और अच्छे के साथ हमेशा ही अच्छा होता है। मृत्युदंड दिए जाने के कुछ सकारात्मक पहलू को हम निचे के निबंध में जानेंगे-

आपराधिक गतिविधि पर रोकथाम

किसी भी अपराधी को उसके द्वारा किये गए जघन्य अपराध के लिए उसको मृत्युदंड की सजा दी जाती है। इस प्रकार की सजा से समाज के अपराधियों और समाज को एक सन्देश जाता है कि हमें इस तरह का अपराध नहीं करना चाहिए। समाज के अपराधियों और लोगों को एक सन्देश और उनके मन में एक डर पैदा हो जाता है।

मृत्युदंड की सजा देने से अपराधियों के मन में यह बात बैठ जाती है कि अगर हम किसी के जीवन को नष्ट करे या उसके जीवन को किसी भी तरह का नुकसान पहुचाये तो हमे इसकी सजा मृत्युदंड के रूप में मिलेगी। इस सजा का डर उनकी आपराधिक घटनाओं पर लगाम लगाने का कार्य करती है।

पीड़ित परिवार को न्याय मिलता है

किसी भी अपराधी के द्वारा किये गए ऐसे जघन्य अपराध की सजा पीड़ित के साथ-साथ उसके परिवार को भी मिलती है। जैसे कि बलात्कार, हत्या, बाल्य यौन शोषण, इत्यादि जैसे जघन्य अपराध की सजा पीड़ित और उसके सारें परिवार को भुगतनी पड़ती हैं। इस प्रकार के अपराध के लिए जब किसी अपराधी को मृत्युदंड की सजा मिलती है, तो पीड़ित के साथ-साथ उसके परिवार को भी न्याय मिलता है। पीड़िता के परिवार के मन में एक संतोष का भाव होता है और वो अपनी जीवन में सकारात्मकता के साथ आगे बढ़ सकते है।

इस बात का उदाहरण निर्भया के बलात्कार के न्याय के रूप में मिलती हैं। जिसके साथ बलात्कार कर उसे जान से मार दिया गया था। और एक लम्बे समय के इंतिजार के बाद हाल ही के दिनों में दोषियों को फांसी की सजा दी गई थी। जिससे की उसके परिवार को न्याय और न्याय के प्रति उनका भरोसा भी कायम रहा और उनके मन में एक संतोष की भावना है।

अपराधियों का अंत

मृत्युदंड की सजा से समाज के क्रूर और ऐसे अवांछित अपराधियों का अंत होता है, जो की ऐसे जघन्य अपराधों को अंजाम देते है या ऐसे अपराधों की कल्पना करते है। मृत्युदंड की सजा उन सभी का अंत करती है, जो अपराधी होते है और जो इस प्रकार की आपराधिक सोच को रखते है। किसी अपराधी को ऐसे जघन्य अपराध के लिए यदि उन्हें मृत्युदंड न देकर उन्हें आजीवन कारावास की सजा सुनाई जाती है, तो ऐसे अपराधी जेल के भीतर रहकर जेल के अंदर या बहार के लोगों को नुकसान पंहुचा सकते है। जिससे की ऐसे आपराधिक मामलों को बढ़ावा भी मिलता है।

ऐस अपराधियों को जेल में रखने से हमारी सरकार को भी नुकसान होता है। उनके ऊपर हमारे समाज के अन्य कार्यों को लिए दिए गए पैसों का नुकसान भी होता है। ऐसे अपराधियों को मृत्युदंड न देकर उन्हें जेल में रखने से इस प्रकार की आपराधिक प्रवृत्ति रखने वाले अपराधियों के मन से डर ख़त्म हो जाता है और समाज में वे आये दिन ऐसी आपराधिक घटनाओं को अंजाम देने का काम करते है।

मृत्युदण्ड के पक्ष में कुछ सकारात्मक तथ्य

मृत्युदंड के पक्षकारों का मानना है की मृत्युदंड की सजा भारत में ही नहीं बल्कि अमेरिका जैसे उदार लोकतान्त्रिक देशों में बरक़रार रखा गया है। “सभ्य देश” का हवाला देकर इसे समाप्त करना बहुत गलत सिद्ध हो सकता है।
हत्या, बलात्कार जैसे जघन्य अपराधों के लिए मृत्युदंड ही न्यायिक और अंतिम रूप से सही फैसला है। इससे अपराधियों के मन में इस तरह के अपराध की धारणा रखने वाले अपराधियों के विचारों को भी मारा जा सकता है।
मृत्युदंड के समर्थन में पक्षकार मानते है कि इस प्रकार का जघन्य अपराध करने वाला व्यक्ति किसी के जीवन जीने का अधिकार छीन लेता है। अतएव उसके ऐवज में उसे मृत्यु देना सही फैसला है। इससे पीड़ित को न्याय मिलता है।
मृत्युदंड की सजा का अंदाजा अपराधियों से नहीं बल्कि समाज में ऐसे विचार रखने वालों पर इसके असर से लगाना चाहिए।

कुछ नकारात्मक पहलू

अक्सर यह देखा गया है कि हमारे दोषपूर्ण न्याय प्रणाली व्यवस्था और न्याय अधिकार के चलते कई निर्दोष मारें जाते है। इस प्रकार की व्यवस्था के कारण निर्दोष व्यक्ति दोषी बन जाता है, और अपने को निर्दोष साबित करने में सफल नहीं हो पता है। जिसके कारण उसे मृत्युदंड प्राप्त होती है।
किसी की हत्या करना या हत्या करने वाले अपराधी को दंड के रूप पे सजा-ए-मौत देना सही है। कुछ पक्षकारों का मानना है कि यह कार्य हत्या के कार्य के बराबर ही है। इसलिए कई देश मृत्युदंड की सजा समाप्त करने के पक्ष में रहे है।
कुछ पक्षकारों का मानना है कि जीवन जीने और उसे सुधारनें के लिए अपराधियों को एक दूसरा मौका अवश्य देना चाहिए। अपराधियों को मौका देने से उन्हें अपने आपराधिक घटना का बोध होगा और जेल में रहकर वो अपने इस आपराधिक घटना का पछतावा कर सकता है।

क्या मृत्युदंड आपराधिक घटनाओं को कम करने का प्रभावी तरीका है ?

मृत्युदंड की सजा सदा ही चर्चा का विषय रहा है। लेकिन सबसे महत्वपूर्ण मुद्दा यह है की ऐसे जघन्य अपराध के लिए मृत्युदंड ही उत्तम सजा है, इससे इस तरह की आपराधिक घटनाये कम हो सकती है। उन अपराधियों को मृत्युदंड की सजा देना समाज के पीड़ितों के लिए अंतिम और उचित न्याय है। मृत्युदंड की सजा लगभग हर देशों में प्राचीन काल से चली आ रही है। कुछ देशों ने अपने कानून में बदलाव कर मृत्युदंड की सजा को समाप्त कर दिया है। मृत्युदंड की सजा आपराधिक घटनाओं को कम करने में कारगर साबित हो सकती है। यदि हमारे संविधान में इसे सख्ती से लागू किया जाये, और पक्षकार और विपक्षकार इसमें अपना सहयोग दें।

कभी-कभी हमें इस बात से हैरानी होती है कि हमारे कानून में इस प्रकार की सजा के बावजूद भी ऐसी आपराधिक घटनाये बार-बार होती है। इसका श्रेय मैं मृत्युदंड के विपक्षकारों को देना चाहता हूँ। किसी भी अपराधी को उसके क्रूर अपराध के लिए सजा दी जाती है, जो की मानव और समाज हित के लिए होती है। उसके लिए आप पछतावा न करें, बल्कि उन अपराधियों को पछताने दे जो ऐसे काम करते है और ऐसा करने की सोंच रखतें हैं।

बढ़ते अपराध और कुछ तथ्य बताते है की इतनी कठोर सजा होने में बाद भी आपराधिक मामलों में कमी देखने को नहीं मिलती है। इसके लिए न्याय प्रक्रिया और हमारा कानून जिम्मेदार है। अगर लोगों में मृत्युदंड का भय होता तो वो ऐसे अपराध कभी नहीं करते और हमारे देश के क़ानून को भी चाहिए कि इसे सख्ती के साथ लागू करें।

कोई भी अपराधी अपराध करने से पहले नहीं सोचता है, इस तरह का अपराध वो या तो गुस्से में करता है या बदले की भावना से करता है। जो एक जघन्य अपराध है। इसके लिए हमारे कानून को सख्ती से लागू करने और ऐसे अपराधों में अपराध साबित होने पर त्वरित कार्यवाही करने की आवश्यकता है। हमारे संविधान में ऐसे कार्य करने की सजा और इस क्रूर अपराध को न करने के लिए लोगों में जागरूकता लानी होगी, जिससे ऐसे अपराधों को खत्म किया जा सकें।

मृत्युदंड की सजा क्रूर अपराध और असाधारण अपराध करने वालों के लिए सर्वोत्तम सजा के रूप में है। दुनिया की सारी सभ्यताओं में ही इसका प्रचलन रहा है। आदिकाल से ही मृत्युदण्ड की सजा यातनाओं और दर्दनाक होता था। वर्त्तमान समय के संविधान प्रणाली और कानून व्यवस्था में एक महत्वपूर्ण बदलाव की आवश्यकता है, ताकि दोषियों की सजा मिलें और ऐसे विचार रखने वालों के मन में डर पैदा हो सकें और इस प्रकार के अपराधों से हमारे समाज को मुक्ति मिलें।

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Capital Punishment in India: Status, Arguments, and Way Forward

This article is based on the news “ Death by nitrogen: Why this Alabama execution is polarising ” which was published in the Indian Express. In Alabama, USA a convict has been executed using nitrogen hypoxia for the first time as a method of capital punishment.

What is Capital Punishment?

About: Capital Punishment is defined as a death penalty ordered by the state owing to the commission of a Crime. Crimes that can result in the death penalty are known as capital crimes or capital offences.
Purpose of Capital Punishment: The prime reason behind capital punishment is its efficacy in deterring identical or similar crimes.

Status of Capital Punishment Across World

European Union : Article 2 of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union prohibits the use of capital punishment.
Council of Europe: It has 47 member states, and also prohibits the use of the death penalty by its members.
Although many nations have abolished capital punishment, China, India, the United States and Indonesia , continue to apply the death penalty (although in India and in many US states it is rarely employed).
Each of these four nations has consistently voted against the General Assembly resolutions.

Capital Punishment in India: Status

A ll death sentences were either set aside or commuted to life in 2023, as they did not fall under the “rarest of rare cases”.
98.3% of the death penalty cases were decided by trial courts “ without any materials on mitigating circumstances of the accused and without any state-led evidence on the question of reform.

Provisions For Capital Punishment in India

Statutory Provision : The Air Force Act, of 1950, The Army Act, of 1950, and The Navy Act, 1957 provide punishment for offences, including hanging or death by shooting.

Supreme Court Judgement on Capital Punishment in India

Jagmohan Singh v. State of Uttar Pradesh (1972): The constitutional validity of the death penalty was upheld by the SC.
The special reasons should be recorded for imposing the death penalty in a case.
The death penalty must be imposed only in extraordinary circumstances.
It upheld the Rule of Law which holds that the death sentence is only legal if it s erves as an alternative to life in prison.
It strengthens the policy that life imprisonment is the rule and death punishment is an exception.
Deena Dayal vs Union of India And Others (1983): It upheld the capital punishment by ruling that hanging is “as painless as possible” and “causes no greater pain than any other known method”.

Arguments in Favour of Capital Punishment in India

Death sentence is seen as just retribution for murderers, providing closure for victime’s family and society.
Utilitarianism: Utilitarian theory propounded by Jeremy Bentham aims at welfare-maximising actions and conveys that the consequential welfare of the society outweighs the deprivation of life of the criminal.
Deterrence: It has been argued that it gives victims’ families satisfaction and serves as a deterrence to potential offenders , preventing them from committing these extremely horrible crimes again.
Public Safety: The public has to be safeguarded against the possibility of release of a murderer which may cause further crimes.
Least Humane Method: The government argues that hanging should remain legal because it is the least common method of execution that goes wrong, in addition to not being harsh or inhumane.

Arguments Against Capital Punishment in India

The Indian Constitution , under Article 21, states that no person shall be deprived of his “Right to Life” unless done with due process.
When the death penalty is imposed, it also r estricts the scope of introducing fresh evidence or legal rules into the case.
The most popular technique, lethal injection , has been involved in controversy due to unsuccessful executions.
Ex- One Oklahoma prisoner experienced an apparent heart attack forty-three minutes following the initial injection in 2014.
Social scientists had shown the death penalty had no deterrent effect; and that public opinion worldwide was in favour of its abolition.
The death penalty Report of India clearly shows that a round 76% of convicts of Death Penalty belonged to lower and backward castes contravening the philosophy of ethics and morality.
Additionally 93.5% sentenced to death penalty for crimes of terror belong to Scheduled Castes or religious minorities.
The sanctity of life and the dignity of death are held in high moral regard, and capital punishment is widely condemned as a grave violation of human rights.
In some cases, special or military courts set up through counterterrorism laws have sentenced civilians to death, undermining international standards.

Way forward

Life Imprisonment as an Alternative: The Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, 2023 has defined ‘life imprisonment’ as a term for the remainder of one’s natural life, and this should be the default alternative to death sentences.
Removing capital punishment from the statute book and introducing a rational and universal remission policy will be a substantive reform in the justice system.
The case for the abolition of the death penalty in India will gain strength if the trend of seeking the premature release of life convicts on political grounds is arrested and life terms without remission become more common.
Rehabilitation has its theoretical base in the belief that unfavourable social conditions are the reason behind commission of crime. Therefore, it is the moral right of the convict to seek the help of society.
Law Commission Recommendation: As recommended by the Law Commission report, death penalty should be abolished , except in certain cases where the accused is convicted in terror related offence.

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Essay on “Capital Punishment in India ” Complete Essay for Class 10, Class 12 and Graduation and other classes.

Capital Punishment in India

POINTS TO DEVELOP

Putting ’crime’ and ’punishment’ in context.

Capital punishment and retributive punishment

Changes in forms of capital punishment.

Reaction against capital punishment.

Reasons in support of and against capital punishment.

Ultimate control of crime depends upon Effective enforcement, fair investigation and firm investigation on death sentence.

Crime and punishment are perhaps as old as the human species itself. When one person snatched food or some necessary item from another, a crime was committed, and the victim would have probably retaliated to get back what he thought was his. Maybe, there was a fight unto death, and that was the end of it. But the word ‘crime’ perhaps is not quite correct in the context, for the word denotes an act against law, and there was no real law prevalent that long ago. As humans bonded into groups and society was formed, concept of law and crime and the need to control that crime through punishment came into being. In primitive societies, crimes were treated as wrongs against a person, and at other times against religious norms and group loyalty. Meting out punishment remained for long the prerogative of the individual or family that was wronged. It was vindictive, the primary motive being revenge rather than correction, and often had no proportional relation to the gravity of the crime committed. Gradually, the idea of proportionate punishment evolved, as in the Mosiac law of an ‘eye’ for an ‘eye’ and a ‘tooth’ for a ‘tooth’. As nations came into being, the institution of punishment was transferred into the hands of the state. A system of law now evolved to place crime and punishment in context, and individuals were discouraged from taking the law into their own hands.

Punishment was, however, for a long time retributive in nature, and the idea of correction did not come into the picture till recent times. Capital punishment was awarded for petty crimes such as stealing as well as grave crimes such as murder, and there was also arbitrariness in the award of punishment. It was only in the 18th century, with the birth of Enlightenment in the Western context that thinkers like Montesquieu, Voltaire, Cesare Beccaria, and Jeremy Bentham spoke in favour of reform in the criminal system. Beccaria was an Italian criminologist who, in fact, was the first to advocate the complete abolition of capital punishment in his work, ‘Die delittie delle Pene’(Crimes and Punishment) in 1764. The rise of humanitarian movements as well as the growth of an industrial working class added strength to the groups calling for abolition of capital punishment.

It was in 1814 that hanging was substituted as the general mode of execution in Britain, while France chose the guillotine during the French Revolution to behead criminals irrespective of class; earlier there were horrifying processes such as hanging, drawing and quartering, burning at the stake and throwing the criminals to wild beasts. In more recent times, there have been discussions on the best modes of execution. Hanging, according to eminent lawyer Ram Jethmalani, is not Only quick but relatively painless and sure as well, and it is the form prescribed in India at present. The Law Commission recently asked public to respond to its questionnaire on preferable forms of execution. In the USA, the most prevalent form is the electric chair. Other states follow yet other modes of execution-the gas chamber, firing squad or lethal injections. Whatever the mode, the idea of killing another human being, whatever his or her crime, is repulsive to many people today.

The advocates and the abolitionists of capital punishment have their own arguments in support of their stand. Those who say death should be the punishment in some cases. agree that it is to be in special cases alone, the most heinous and gravest of crimes. The most prominent argument put forth by the advocates of the death penalty is that of deterrence. They feel that it is only fear of severe punishment that will deter the criminal and reduce the occurrence of heinous crimes. The theory appears to be valid at first glance, so to say. However, scientific studies have consistently failed to find strong and consistent evidence that capital punishment deters crime more effectively than other forms of punishment. The United Nations conducted research in 1988 (updated in 2002) and concluded that “it is not prudent to accept the hypothesis that capital punishment deters murder to a marginally greater extent than does the threat and application of the supposedly lesser punishment of life imprisonment”. It further says that the statistics on the relation between the changes in the use of the death penalty and the crime rates indicate that “countries need not fear sudden and serious changes in the curve of crime if they reduce their reliance upon the death penalty”.

Another argument put forward by those favouring death penalty is that ‘life imprisonment’ is merely for 14 years or less in India, and then the criminal will be out, and free to resume his criminal activity. Besides showing a retrograde notion of human nature-surely, not all criminals are so unredeemable, for do we not have our own Valmiki, and many others in more recent times to prove otherwise?-the argument also shows ignorance of the law. If the state wants it so, life imprisonment can be for life. Being imprisoned for life is enough to deter the hardiest of criminals. To which the advocates say that the corruption existent in out jails would make the life of these criminals too pleasant to make them regret their crime. That would bring up the question of inequality in this country. A Dhananioy Chatterjee is not likely to enjoy those privileges which are reserved for the rich and influential or those with the right political contacts, who are unlikely, in the first place, to be awarded the death sentence; they would have the best lawyers and legal advice to get them off the hook. In such a situation of inequalities, awarding death penalty would compound the inequality and injustice. It is well known that the same kind of crime attracts different punishments from different judges and under different conditions of trial. It is equally well known that the underprivileged are easier to catch and convict, and are punished ‘appropriately’.

As to the argument that keeping a convict prisoner for life is a heavy burden on the country’s economy, and may be even dangerous if he is a ruthless killer, the abolitionists point put that these are aspects which can be solved; get the prisoners to do some constructive work that may more than compensate for their ‘keep’, and take the necessary precautions to prevent further crime.

The most important reason the abolitionists offer is that death is so final that no miscarriage of justice can be corrected. And there have been cases, even if rare, of convicts having been innocent though convicted. Even one such case is enough to call for the removal of the death penalty from the statute book. It may come as a surprise to many that in the USA, since 1973, more than 100 prisoners have been released from ‘death row’ after evidence emerged of their innocence of the crimes for which they were convicted. Recurring features in their cases include prosecutorial or police misconduct; the use of unreliable witness testimony, physical evidence or confessions; and inadequate defence representation. For each of the prisoner‘ released, how many might have gone to their death in innocence? Can we say that the Indian system of law and justice is free of these features? The Supreme Court of India has given some guidelines on cases where capital punishment may be given-the rarest of rare cases, as they are known. Examples cited by the apex court include such cases as when the murder is committed in an extremely brutal, grotesque, diabolical, revolting or dastardly manner, so as to arouse the intense and extreme indignation of the community; when the murder is committed for a motive, which evinces total depravity and meanness, such as murder by a hired assassin for money or reward or a cold- blooded murder for gains of a person vis-a-vis whom the murderer is in a dominating position or in a position of trust, or if the murder is committed in the course of betrayal of the motherland; when the murder of a member of a Scheduled Caste or minority community, etc., is committed not for personal reasons, but in circumstances which arouse social wrath, or in case of ‘bride burning’ or ‘dowry deaths’ or when murder is committed in order to remarry for the sake of extracting dowry once again or to marry another woman on account of infatuation; when the crime is enormous in proportion, for instance, when multiple murders, say of all or almost all the members of a family or a large number of persons of a particular caste, community, or locality, are committed; and when the victim of murder is an innocent child, or a helpless woman or an old or infirm person or a person vis-a-vis whom the murderer is in a dominating position, or a public figure generally loved and respected by the community. But even these are open to Subjective (and hence biased) interpretations.

Those who advocate death penalty have in their hearts revenge more than deterrence. The primitive emotion of wanting to avenge wrong exists in a collective manner in society. This was evident in the interviews carried out by the media when the Dhananjoy affair was in the limelight. It was depressing to hear a school principal, albeit of the school where the victim of a horrifying crime studied, speak vociferously for the death penalty to be carried out. Worse, children in their early teens were made to show their support for capital punishment. Such strong emotions of revenge surely do not have a place in a civilised society, especially among the sections which would be expected to be enlightened. Emotional responses should not be taken as valid enough to perpetuate a practice which, if we are truly civilised, should he considered from many other angles. True, in India, death penalties have not been carried very rarely, according to reports; but there are several prisoners languishing in the death row for years together. There are few hangmen, and the procedures are lengthy and antiquated. This kind of delay in carrying out a sentence manifests an injustice all its own.

Ultimately, control of crime depends on an efficient legal and law-enforcing system, quick, efficient and ensuring fair investigation free of corrupt practices, a quick and fair trial and conviction. Make sure that a crime will be investigated and the criminal caught-however well-placed or well-connected he or she may be-and provide fool proof evidence that will lead to a conviction, and crime will go down whatever the punishment is. With the low conviction rate in India, mostly because the case put up is so feeble. death penalty will kill a few criminals, no doubt; it will not reduce crime, heinous or otherwise.

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Capital Punishment and Rape Culture – An Essay

The following essay is written as part of Weekly Essay Challenge by Mr. Amudhan .

Capital Punishment and Rape Culture

Rape is and never was solely about sex. Rape is an act of violence with the intent of domination of an individual. A discourse on rape or rape culture must recognize it as a constituent of a larger ‘Culture of Violence’. Such a culture would be divided other differentia such as economic strata, skin color, caste, religion or region. However we will restrict ourselves to the Male/female binary and consider its impact on society. Furthermore we will consider the behavioral and structural constructs that uphold rape culture and consider the impact of the death penalty on rape culture.

Rape culture is the validation, naturalization and perpetuation of rape. Its essence lies in accepting rape as the norm and fails to recognize it a severe societal problem that needs to be addressed. Furthermore it may even purport rape as an inevitable evil of society; which cannot be eradicated. The naturalization of rape in India can be seen in its frequency of reported crimes in the media. Seldom has anyone made it through a week without hearing about a rape committed against women. It is prevalent and depicted in the movies. Author Arunadhati Roy noted depiction in the Malayam movies were so prevalent that she feared it would happen to her (“ rape is an entertainer for people ”)

Rape is validated in a rape culture. Societal values legitimate the domination of women by men. It’s in our history, the movies and one does not need to look beyond our street. The legitimacy of male domination is the fertile ground upon which the rationale for victim blaming emerges, wherein the ‘desires of men’ are established as involuntary so it’s up-to-women to not get raped leading naturally to the conclusion that women engender their own rape; reasons for which include a lack of clothing, lack of a male companion or the wrong place at the wrong time. The outpour after the Delhi rape case happened precisely because there was no room for victim blaming. The heroine came back from watching a movie, wearing appropriate clothing with a male companion at an appropriate time on public transportation.

Rape culture perpetuates rape. Conviction rates for rape cases are abysmally low in India. Lack of evidences, unreported cases and victim badgering in the courtroom are among it causes. Police men refusing to file FIR’s upon the statement by a victim was recognized by the Verma committee. These characteristic in a milieu of shame surrounding rape victims ensures that justice never reaches the victims or the perpetrators. This lack of justice dispensed to the perpetrators emboldened the juvenile rapist in the Delhi case to say “don’t worry, nothing will happen” to becalm the others.

The keystone of a rape culture is the commoditization of a women’s body and lack of control that women have over it. The laws of the land and constitution provide adequate safeguards for women e.g. dowry laws, domestic violence laws with non-compoundable offences etc. However they are non-implementable. This dissonance is product of a conflict between our societal values and the values upon which laws of the land are founded. This has doomed them to have no impact. Other legislation have fallen prey to this contradiction including PCPNDT, Women’s reservation Bill and Manual Scavengers Bill. It is in this context that we must consider the efficacy of the death penalty in challenging rape culture.

It can be stated at the onset that the death penalty will have minimal or no impact in the medium to long-term without a simultaneous change in societal values. It may have a short-term impact due to shock value. Studies have shown that the death penalty has failed to have a significant impact on crime rates in countries that still conduct them. The experiments of the Behaviorist Skinner shed some light as to why it may not have such impact. In the Pigeon experiment conducted by Skinner within the behaviorist model has concluded the following:

“ it is not the severity of the punishment that effectively modifies behavior but the certainty and speed with which the punishments will be dispensed after particular action has been committed. The dispensation must extend a period of time to be a modifier ”

If we expand this experiment to law and order, the death penalty would correlate with severity of punishment which will have little significant impact in behavior modification unless certainty and speed of justice in also improved. In light of Skinner’s experiments we may appreciate the sagacity of the Verma committee report. It did not advocate for the death penalty but rather chose to make recommendations that improve conviction rates (certainty) such as mandatory filing of FIR, broadening of the definition of sexual assault and removal of protection under AFSPA. Furthermore it recommended establishing fast track courts for improve the speed.

The death penalty is not only ineffective in stopping rape but not the address the fundamental problem that creates rapists. It is a Band-Aid to a gaping wound. The philosophical underpinning of punishment within a modern society is not retributive but corrective justice. The point of jail, corrective facilities, is to give enough time for the individual to correct his behavior so that he may rejoin society. The rationale for a death penalty extends to cases where correction is no longer feasible or is detrimental to society. In such cases the individual is permanently removed from society.

In other words, a farmer (the government) who finds infected livestock (the criminals) does not kill it (death penalty) to stop it from infecting the others but rather attempts to cure it (corrective facility)and in the process of curing finds its source. He removes the source (initiate changes in societal values, institutions and individuals) to protect the rest of his livestock. Simply killing an infected livestock may work in the short term but it will merely put the farmer in another position to kill his own again since the source has not been eradicated. Therefore Rape culture in India is unlikely to be challenged with the imposition of the death penalty in India.

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Short Essay on “Capital Punishment” in Hindi

Short Essay on “Capital Punishment” in Hindi.

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English Essay on “Capital Punishment” English Essay-Paragraph-Speech for Class 8, 9, 10, 11 and 12 CBSE Students and competitive Examination.

Capital punishment.

Essay No. 01

The death sentence looks cruel and absurd in this age of modern science, liberal thinking, knowledge, space, and technology. The age of barbarism is gone when capital punishment worked as a deterrent against heinous crimes. In my humble opinion, we must not use hangman’s noose anymore. We can try the modern civilized treatment of reforms and psychological repair.

No one is born criminal. Situations and circumstances force one into crimes. Chambal dacoits are true examples of this. We can bring about changes in criminals by understanding their psychology, and mental disorders. By using reformative measures/their behavior and thinking can be set right with love and sympathy. Everyone deserves a break. Let us give criminals a chance to become valuable citizens and prove that we are humans.

Essay No. 02

Problems with Capital Punishment Dead Man Walking! This sound rings through each and every death row inmate a thousand times a day, but should it? Capital punishment is one of the most controversial topics among Americans today. Since every person has their own opinion on this topic, either for or against, the question always raised is Is it morally right.? The number of problems with the death penalty is enormous, ranging from innocence to racism, and these problems will never be resolved unless the death penalty is abolished. The problems with capital punishment stem as far back as the ritual itself.

The number of occurrences on why the death penalty is racist is uncountable. A 1990 report released by the federal government’s General Accounting Office found a pattern of evidence indicating racial disparities in the charging, sentencing, and imposition of the death penalty after the Furman decision.

Professor David Baldus examined sentencing patterns in Georgia in the 1970s. After reviewing over 2,500 homicide cases in that state, controlling for 230 non-racial factors, he concluded that a person accused of killing a white was 4.3 times more likely to be sentenced to death than a person accused of killing a black. The Stanford Law Review published a study that found similar patterns of racial despair, in Arkansas, Florida, Georgia, Illinois, and many other states.

For example, in Arkansas “findings showed that defendants in a case involving a white victim are three-and-a-half times more likely to be sentenced to death; in Illinois, four times; in North Carolina, 4.4 times, and in Mississippi five times more likely to be sentenced to death than defendants convicted of murdering blacks”. There is also the issue of Capital Punishment as a deterrent. Does the death penalty really deter crime? The death lobby wants you to believe the answer to that question is yes. But, in fact, it is a resounding no.

Consider this, the US is the only Western nation that still allows the death penalty, and we also have one of the highest crime rates. During the 1980s, death penalty states averaged an annual rate of 7.5 criminal homicides per 100,000, while abolition states averaged a rate of 7.4 per 100,000. That means murder was actually more common in states that use the death penalty. In a nationwide survey of police chiefs and sheriffs, capital punishment was ranked last as a way of reducing violent crime. Only twenty-six percent thought that the death penalty significantly reduces the number of homicides.

The theory behind the deterrence doctrine is flawed in itself. Murderers do not examine risk/reward charts before they kill someone. Being a criminal is inherently irrational life imprisonment ought to deter a rational person itself.

Besides, no criminal commits a crime if he believes he will be caught. The next issue that deserves some observation is that of capital punishment being economically correct, meaning will it save the U.S. and its taxpayers money. The death penalty is not now nor has it ever been, a more economical alternative to life imprisonment. A study informed that reintroduction would involve a first-year cost of more than $11 million.

And the Miami Herald reported that Florida, with one of the nation’s largest death rows, has estimated that the true cost of each execution is approximately $3.2 million, or approximately six times the cost of a life imprisonment sentence. The last issue that should be observed is that of innocence. Are there really innocent people on death row? At least twenty-three people have been executed who did not commit the crime they were accused of. And that’s only those that we know.

And here lies an inherent danger of capital punishment…when we execute an innocent person; the real killer is still on the streets, ready to victimize someone else. But when an innocent person is arrested, he is often the driving reason behind the further investigation, and if he is executed, then the case remains closed forever.

Or, at least, until someone else gets killed by the real perpetrator. Capital punishment is a power that no man or woman deserves to make for another human being. The Constitution clearly states that everybody deserves, life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; But if you kill that person how can any of this be attained? Capital punishment is just plain wrong and has no place in today’s society. There are too many flaws in the death penalty; therefore, the only reasonable solution is to abolish the death penalty

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Capital Punishment Essay for Students in English: 250 and 350 Words Samples

Updated on
Mar 12, 2024

Capital Punishment Essay: Capital punishment refers to sentencing a criminal with the death penalty after due process of law. This form of punishment can be traced back to the ancient Greek of the 7th century BC, which operated under the ‘Laws of Draco’. In addition to the Greeks, Romans also sanctioned citizens to the death penalty for murder, rape, arson, and treason.

Likewise, present-day India awards the death penalty for heinous crimes against mankind such as murder, criminal conspiracy, dacoity with murder, encouraging mutiny, and waging war against the central government. However, as we have evolved as humans, courts resort to this extreme form of punishment in rarest of the rare cases.

Also Read: Essay on Human Rights: Samples in 500 and 1500

Capital Punishment Essay in 250 Words

Capital punishment or the death penalty is the state-sanctioned execution of a person as punishment for a crime. It is usually the most severe punishment a judicial system can impose on offenders. It is usually reserved for the most serious crimes like rape and murder.

Since time immemorial, mankind has opted for different methods of capital punishment. From hanging, beheading, and firing squads to burning, stoning, and poisoning humans have used every possible way to execute offenders. Methods can vary but all these have one thing in common i.e. inhumanity.

Capital punishment, in all its forms, is considered barbaric. It is seen as cruel, savage, and a form of revenge, reminiscent of a bygone era where understanding and respect for human life were absent. Some argue that these methods even involve physical torture.

While some believe the death penalty deters crime, studies have shown no significant correlation between its use and a decrease in violent crimes. In simpler terms, the threat of execution does not necessarily prevent people from committing serious offences. Therefore, it becomes crucial to consider whether capital punishment truly serves any purpose in our modern world.

Owing to the controversial characteristics of this punishment option, the ‘Abolition of the Death Penalty’ has become one of the most prominent discussions in the United Nations. Besides, Human Rights activists and organisations also raise their voices against capital punishment. With all the ongoing debate, there is optimism that this inhuman practice might be done away with in the future.

Also Read: World Day for International Justice

Essay on Capital Punishment in 350 Words

Capital punishment or the death penalty has been a topic of contention in India. While the Supreme Court of India has reserved the death penalty for the rarest of rare cases, the penal process evokes a debate for and against this form of punishment.

One of the primary arguments in favour of capital punishment is deterrence i.e. fear of severe forms of the death penalty will reduce crimes. Supporters of this penal process are of the view that the threat of capital punishment prevents a potential offender from committing heinous crimes like murder, rape, war against the government, and abetment to mutiny. Also, they propound that the assertion of severe punishments upholds the safety and security of people as the state has the responsibility to maintain social order and safeguard its people.

However, people against capital punishment argue that the death penalty is inept in rehabilitating prisoners, which is the basic aim of any legal penal option. They also propose that punishment by execution does not deter people from committing crimes as individualist punishment overlooks broader social failures. Also, execution by barbaric measures shifts the responsibility of the state and peer groups from addressing the root causes of crime to individual punishment.

Another reason for concern regarding capital punishment is the risk of executing innocent individuals due to flaws in the justice system. The possibility of wrongful convictions highlights the serious consequences of irreparable harm of taking a person’s life. This irreversible consequence outlines the significance of strict legal procedures and safety measures to prevent miscarriage of justice.

Thus, the debate over capital punishment in India is a complex one, encompassing moral, legal, and societal considerations. While proponents argue for its necessity in ensuring justice and deterring crime, opponents raise valid concerns regarding its effectiveness, morality, and potential for miscarriages of justice. As the legal landscape continues to evolve, it is essential to critically examine these arguments and consider the broader implications of capital punishment on society and the individuals it affects.

It is time to #StopExecutions and #AbolishTheDeathPenalty – Join us now at https://t.co/LeukqEMJWA @RepEspaillat @EspaillatNY #LisaMontgomery #CoreyJohnson #DustinHiggs pic.twitter.com/wzTuklnrRx — Death Penalty Action (@DeathPenaltyAct) January 12, 2021

Ans: Yes. The legal system in India can grant capital punishment in case of murder, criminal conspiracy, abetment to mutiny, dacoity with murder, and waging war against the Union Government.

Ans: Start the essay on capital punishment by defining this penal process. Thereafter, cite arguments in favour and against the death penalty. Also, you can mention how the government and society benefit and lose through this ultimate yet barbaric form of justice.

Ans: Capital punishment refers to sentencing a criminal with the death penalty after due process of law.

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Ankita Singh

Ankita is a history enthusiast with a few years of experience in academic writing. Her love for literature and history helps her curate engaging and informative content for education blog. When not writing, she finds peace in analysing historical and political anectodes.

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Casi election conversations 2024: sumitra badrinathan on the need to study misinformation in india.

Fears about the effects of misinformation on Indian politics seem omnipresent today. Reports suggest huge volumes of “fake news” and misleading content filling up WhatsApp groups and social media feeds, with potentially dangerous consequences. The advent of generative AI and “deepfakes” have only made those concerns more immediate.

But how big is the misinformation problem in india what do we know about it and what can we do to address it in the sixth interview of the casi election conversations 2024, casi consulting editor rohan venkat speaks to sumitra badrinathan (assistant professor of political science at american university) about the state of research on the subject, a recent paper of hers that examines efforts to correct misinformation related to vigilante violence in india, and the urgent need for more scholarship examining fake news in the global south..

Rohan: Why is it important for us to be studying misinformation, particularly in an Indian context?

Sumitra: Studying misinformation in academia is new. A lot of literature about the topic started after Donald Trump got elected in 2016. And that's not that long ago, which means there’s a lot we don't know. If I had to divide misinformation research into three broad questions, I would say that we're trying to look at:

What are the reasons that people believe misinformation? Why are we vulnerable to it?
What can we do about it? What are the solutions to counter it?
What are the consequences? What happens after you believe misinformation now?

Even in the research that we have so far, it's largely concentrated in Western countries. And for the most part, it only looks at that second sub-question: what can we do to counter misinformation? We know a little bit from psychology about why people believe it, but we know next to nothing about what its consequences are. So, what happens when you believe misinformation? Does misinformation cause you to change your votes? Does it cause you to become violent? Does it increase polarization? These are, unfortunately, questions that we don't really have answers to—not just in India, but anywhere in the world.

There's a recent piece reviewing all of the experimental and other academic work on misinformation by Rob Blair and co-authors which finds that over 80 percent of the studies that have been conducted on misinformation are in a Western Europe or American context. There are so many reasons to believe that those contexts don't generalize to India for a bunch of different reasons.

The second reason is—is misinformation actually a problem in India? From a normative perspective, not having good information threatens the fabric of democracy because it doesn't allow you to have the right information to be able to hold your leaders accountable. Apart from it being an empirical place where it's just that we don't know much, it is also a deeply normative issue.

Rohan: You and Simon Chauchard also wrote about the need to look at the differences between Global North and Global South on this.

Sumitra: One of the things that struck us was that most misinformation studies look solely at online platforms. They have a presumption that misinformation is generally an online construct that they spread on online platforms, and solutions to misinformation should be geared toward platforms in some way—like putting fact-checking tags or labels on false information, and having people see those labels and respond to whether labeling something as false makes you change your perspective. Another thing that people have looked at is what researchers call “pre-bunking.” It’s the idea that we can dispel misinformation even before it reaches people.

The common thread for all these interventions seems to be that they deal with platforms, specifically with Facebook and Twitter. You and I know that those aren't the main platforms in India. WhatsApp is the main one, and it is substantially different from these platforms because it's encrypted. It's almost like email. If you are the sender and the receiver, it's just the two of us that can see the content of a message. This idea that the platform can slap on a tag that says that something is false or untrue is just not feasible. But we also know that India is a very collectivistic society where we talk to our neighbors, we talk to our friends and family. A lot of information and news sharing, not just misinformation, happens in very communal spaces, that are just not the context of the global north that most research looks at.

We start from this premise that misinformation is not solely an online phenomenon; not just in India, but in many countries of the Global South that have political and cultural societies like India. A lot of the findings and methods that people use to study misinformation are just not feasible for contexts such as this. I can't really take one of those studies and say, "I'm going to replicate it in a context like India."

The second is a very different context from places like the US or Western Europe in terms of people's levels of digital literacy and familiarity with the internet. It's also a different context in terms of politics and the kinds of relationships we have to groups in society. A lot of the literature talks about Democrats and Republicans. That kind of context doesn't easily map onto India, where you have not just several parties, but also other cleavages that are very primordial in the way people think of their identities—religion, caste, and so on. Even theories, not just methods, don't easily apply.

In many ways, we've seen very good journalistic reporting coming out of India about how platforms sometimes collude with political elites to either help or curb their interests. This seems to be a feature that doesn't quite exist in the Western context.

In the past, researchers have had success doing what we call “in the wild” field experiments, where they've gotten platforms to change the way that information is presented to people. It's a goal that we would love to achieve in field work. But I can’t think of that ever happening in a context like India where it seems like platforms themselves are not independent, that they are, in many ways, behest to the interests of the political or other elites in the country.

Rohan: Do we have a sense of the scale of the misinformation problem in India?

Sumitra: It's a really difficult question to answer empirically because WhatsApp is a platform that we can't really get into as researchers. There is some work by Kiran Garimella and co-authors which basically scrapes content from WhatsApp public groups that are both maintained and owned by political parties, and also private citizens around election issues and otherwise, to see how much of the content out there is misinformation. Those studies are rare, but they also look at a very specific subset of WhatsApp groups, which are public groups. We have close to no idea about what's going on in private spaces, and I think more importantly, we have no idea what's going on in offline spaces.

A lot of the pressures that people face online or some of the affordances they get from being anonymous play out very differently when you're talking to people in a group offline. There's a second issue which is that we don't know if misinformation is, itself, a problem or whether it's a symptom of another problem like polarization.

This is a chicken and egg problem, not particular to India. It's difficult to accurately identify the causal chain in these processes that lead us to perform certain behaviors like voting or other acts that tend to attenuate democratic norms in some way, such as support for violence. This is the kind of question that I think would be amazing for us to answer as an academic community, but it's also the most difficult. There's very little proof anywhere in any context about what misinformation can do. And that's a larger problem that needs to be studied.

I come at it from more of a normative perspective. In a well-functioning healthy society, misinformation from the top shouldn't exist, and hence, we as academics, if we can do something about it, we should.

From an empirical perspective, some argue this is a larger problem than A, B, C, and D, and hence, that's why we're studying it. The World Economic Forum wrote a report recently saying that one of the largest threats to national security is misinformation, over and above a bunch of other issues that they named. We don't really have evidence to make that kind of enumeration. But from a normative perspective, I think we all agree that it's something that we need to look at and that's why we study it.

Rohan: When looking at the West, has there been time enough for the field to settle? Are there settled approaches in studying misinformation?

Sumitra: Other misinformation researchers would maybe agree to a certain extent about what works and whether there are settled approaches to what works. My opinion is that I'm not sure that we can take that seriously when we're applying those insights to countries like India because they're so different. But what I will say the field agrees on, and this is something that's been shown empirically in context across the world, including in India, Cote d'Ivoire, Brazil, and the US, is the reason why we're vulnerable to misinformation—a psychological reason that depends less on cultural contexts or less on socioeconomic status. And that reason is what psychologists and our political scientists call motivated reasoning, which is the idea that we as human beings are motivated to reason in a certain way when we encounter information.

Because we as human beings also try to protect ourselves from information that doesn't sit right with us, what that motivation means is that we have an inclination to accept information that aligns with our previous beliefs and to push away information that doesn't align with our previous beliefs—simply because we feel dissonance from those beliefs. This process occurs subconsciously. Citizens across the world tend to push away information that doesn't fit with what they thought they knew. And that's one of the reasons why we fall prey to misinformation, especially if that misinformation is aligned with our prior beliefs.

Rohan: The last time I interviewed you was in 2021 . We had the results of two things you'd worked on at the time. One big in-person effort to intervene in Bihar turned up surprising results in not making a significant difference, at least on some counts. And another found that with very little effort, it was able to make a dent in how much people were likely to believe misinformation. Where has the field taken us in the interim?

Sumitra: There isn't that much work to step back and say, "Here's what we confidently know and here's what we don't." That’s because a lot of this takes a lot of time and there aren't that many people working on misinformation in India. From the small number of studies that have been conducted, high percentages of people say they believe certain falsehoods, especially if those falsehoods are tied to their religion in some way or their partisan identity.

For instance, some health misinformation stories that are not just solely in the realm of health but that are also political, such as what cow urine can do for the human body—which has been debunked time and time and again by doctors and scientists—every time we sample a new set of Indian citizens across different states, whether it's online or in person, over 50 percent of them say that they believe that. That's a pretty high number, especially compared to some of the stats that we get from US samples that show that even 30 percent of the population believing something is considered normatively a high number.

While that may seem scary, one thing I think that past research has consistently found is that it's just as easy to get them to switch their beliefs in the short run. My take on this is that whatever processes are leading people to believe misinformation, the same processes also lead them to believe corrections to misinformation. Now, whether those corrections last in the future and can withstand the onslaught of more information is something that needs to be studied. But in the short run, we're able to change people's beliefs. That is helpful because in the short run, people undertake a lot of activities. You may go to vote tomorrow. And so, if I'm able to issue a correction to misinformation that might lead you to have a better set of beliefs before you go to vote, that's useful even if those beliefs don't last into the future.

Fact-checking and debunking are relatively less costly and more light-touch interventions compared to media literacy and digital literacy that we like to talk about in civil society. So, maybe the solution is to just constantly fact check and keep putting the right information out there. Though I will say that its efficacy depends not just on the correct information existing in the world, but getting it into the hands of people, which is a separate issue altogether that maybe doesn't happen in India, which is why you see this contrast between fact-checkers doing their jobs and misinformation persisting.

Rohan: Let's move then to a recent paper of yours on vigilantism, which has been conditionally accepted to the American Political Science Review . What were you seeking to understand there and what did you find?

Sumitra: This paper was born out of, for me personally, seeing what happened in Washington D.C. on January 6th. Responses to this moment ranged from “we need solutions to stop misinformation because it was the big lie that led people to their behavior,” versus other sections of both journalists and civil society activists saying, “Well, misinformation doesn't make you violent.” We saw a lot of violent scenes in the Capitol. How is it possible that someone who's never done something like this their whole lives suddenly sees a false story and decides to pick up something to beat somebody else up with? That doesn't track.

This got me and my co-authors, Simon Chauchard, at UC3M in Madrid and Niloufer Siddiqui at the University of Albany, thinking about the consequences of misinformation in India and Pakistan and specifically about a particular type of violence—vigilante violence—that has sought to extra-judiciously punish people—minority citizens—for so-called transgressions of norms.

We got thinking about the role that misinformation plays in this process and about whether people support this violence because they're polarized too, or whether it's misinformation about the case that led them to support the violence. Researchers in the US and other Western countries, particularly on vaccine misinformation, find that they're very easily able to correct the actual misinformation by providing fact-checks in some form. They'll say, "there's very little evidence that vaccines directly cause autism." And then they'll ask people, "okay, do you think that vaccines cause autism?" And most people will respond to the fact-check in the way that you would want them to by saying, "no, they don't. We believe you." And then when you ask them the follow-up question, which is, "Okay, so do you intend to get vaccinated?" People don't change.

This leads some academics to think that correcting misinformation corrects misinformation. It doesn't do anything else for your downstream beliefs, which in many ways are more important because if it's not the misinformation that's moving you to act in certain ways, then what is and what gives? That was our premise for this study. We came from a place of trying to see what leads to people supporting extrajudicial violence, and what can temper their support for this kind of violence?

In the past, a lot of research across the world has looked into the drivers of people’s support for vigilante violence, and a lot of this literature has talked about the relationship between the citizen and their state. This is basically saying that vigilante mobs arise when the state doesn't fulfill its role in upholding law and order, so there is a need for vigilantes to step in and do something about it. There's also some research showing that when vigilante groups do not fear sanction from the state, they're more likely to take matters into their own hands.

Surprisingly, the role of information in this process is close to absent. That's the gap we wanted to fill in this. We set up an experiment where we pitted all of these reasons against each other. Do people support vigilante mobs because they think the state is inadequate? Because they think they won't fear punishment from the state? Or because of the actual falsehood at hand?

Consequently, if I correct the misinformation that led to you believing that this mob violence was justified, are you going to reduce your support for that mob violence? Or maybe misinformation doesn't have anything to do with it, and it all depends on the state? That was an open question and that's the question that we wanted to study in that paper.

Rohan: What did you find? Does misinformation have a role or not?

Sumitra: Surprisingly—I say surprisingly because my prior was that misinformation would play less of an important role compared to these other factors—we find that corrected misinformation not only corrects misinformation, but it significantly reduces people's downstream support for vigilantism. And not in the abstract. It's tied to specific incidents that are salient in both India and Pakistan that have captured the imagination of polarized people on either side of the political spectrum in recent years.

Correcting them by telling people the premise on which you think this violence is justified was false, and has been debunked time and again, leads them to not just believe that the initial rumor was false, but then also leads them to say, "Okay, we don't want to support vigilante violence." In both India and Pakistan, it leads respondents to say that they would be okay with punishing or supporting punishment for the vigilante group that took the law into its own hands, which is illegal. In both cases, people are opting to punish members of their own religious in-group.

This is a really important finding because time and again, research across the world has shown that we tend to put our in-group, whatever that means—Republicans or Democrats, Hindus and Muslims—above everything else. In many cases, people have run experiments showing that citizens are willing to leave monetary benefits on the table for themselves if it means they can undertake an act to benefit their in-group.

In this case, we're seeing that really strong corrections can dispel that notion and that religiosity, partisanship or group identity doesn't have to trump civic virtue.

Rohan: What was the correction, and what are the numbers we're talking about?

Sumitra: In India, we're able to shift people to believe less misinformation by about 7-10 percent. While that seems small, it's actually double the size of a lot of misinformation studies that exist. In Pakistan, it's double that—a 17-19 percent effect. And if you can think of scaling this up, those numbers mean a lot in terms of absolute citizens.

The correction itself; we opted to do it in an audio format, which is also not very typical of misinformation literature. We created little audio clippings that sound like radio presentations or maybe news on TV, where we took actual journalistic reporting from both Indian sources as well as some western sources like The New York Times about specific incidents of vigilante violence that had been debunked. And we used that exact language, except we converted it into an audio format. Then we knocked on people's doors, gave them a personal pair of over-the-ear-headphones to wear, and had them listen.

An example would be people putting their headphones on and hearing the breaking news tune that you hear before every little segment, followed by a minute to a 90-second clip about this particular incident of vigilante violence that happened in this particular district. But it turns out that a lot of reporting from a bunch of sources debunked the misinformation that prompted the vigilantism, and then the clip goes into the details of the debunking.

They're very short corrections, but I call them strong because there is something to be said about the power of audiovisuals, as opposed to reading a simple correction. Through the use of headphones, we ensure that people are paying attention. This is really important because I think this is a difference between corrections to misinformation existing and people not changing their beliefs, which is, they're not paying attention. When you get them to, it can have a big difference.

Rohan: There's an element to the paper that offers another authority—you do also use tweets from politicians.

Sumitra: The sub-part of the paper is this idea that stems from American politics, that public opinion follows the leader. Whatever elites say, opinion changes accordingly. In the process of doing research for this paper, we found real tweets and otherwise campaign material or other slogans from politicians in India, including the Prime Minister, telling people not to take matters into their own hands, to wait for law in order to investigate the situation as opposed to becoming vigilantes themselves or supporting vigilante violence.

We were interested in seeing, compared to all of these other factors, whether seeing tweets from not just any politician, but Prime Minister Narendra Modi, telling them, “don't take matters into your own hands,” would actually move people on this count or not. We find that that one particular tweet doesn't do anything. It doesn't change people.

But I don't want to put too much stock into this finding for a bunch of different reasons because the tweet is a visual cue as compared to the audios that we were providing with people. It's also possible that in the presence of the correction to misinformation, which was a really strong one, something like that tweet just ceased to matter. So, there's a lot going on before I think we can empirically conclude that messages from elites don't make a difference.

On a personal note, I was slightly surprised that it didn't make a difference. I think it's one of the things that we as co-authors are discussing and need a lot more work into, because this kind of work doesn't exist in the Indian context. And it opens up this broader question that politicians say things all the time. How seriously do we take them? In what context do we take them seriously? Are there issues where we think they're bluffing? And if so, are we behaving in a way that we think is showing the party line that maybe differs from people's actual words? These are all empirically open questions that I think we're personally very interested in looking at in the next round of this project.

Rohan: You also found that in one case—violence mentioned in the context of cow or cattle smuggling—the corrections didn’t work. Could you tell us about that?

Sumitra: We didn't really talk about what the vigilante incidents were. One of the categories was vigilante violence in response to cow-related or beef-related issues, which have come to occupy a very central place in political discourse, at least in certain Indian states, including Uttar Pradesh, where we did this particular study. We picked one incident, which had happened in the past and had been debunked by various sources, as the story for our intervention. And on that particular count, we found that our correction was actually able to reduce misinformation in the story, but it didn't reduce downstream effects—meaning support—on vigilantism. Very similar to the health misinformation on vaccines that I was talking about in the US.

We had six stories total in the paper. On five out of the six, we were able to find this effect where you dispel the misinformation, it corrects this information, and it has a downstream effect. And one out of six, particularly to do with vigilante violence that stems from misinformation about beef, we were not able to change people's downstream attitudes toward the issue, though we were able to correct the misinformation itself.

This is, again, something where we need a lot more research before we can conclusively say what's going on. But if I were to hazard a guess, I think it's because this issue has become so salient in people's minds, the motivated reasoning is so strong, that almost nothing can get people to move their initial beliefs. One takeaway might be that strong corrections need to be issued early in the process before people have really strong and entrenched views about a particular issue, at which point it's very hard for anything to change them.

This is just human behavior across the world. When we've been hearing about a certain issue for a really long period of time, it's in everyday conversations, it's very salient, all politicians are talking about it, all of the media is talking about it, what is one 90-second audio going to do to dispel all of those years of backlog about that case that you've had in your head? That doesn't mean that no correction can talk about cow-related crimes in India. It's just this particular one didn't work. It’s something that we hope we can shed more light on in future work.

Rohan: Going into the 2024 elections in India, is it frustrating how quickly the subject is developing and shifting? Given that now everyone's moving on to talking about AI-related misinformation, does it feel it is moving away faster than you're able to get a handle on it?

Sumitra: Since you brought up AI, I do want to mention that maybe sometimes there's a disconnect between academics and civil society’s interpretations of the way that the world works around misinformation. And this is partly our fault. Academics are not very good at conveying findings to a broader audience outside of our niche workshops and conferences, but AI is one of these issues where everyone seems to be talking about it in India. Unfortunately, there is little to no evidence about its role in the actual information space. I mentioned Kiran Garimella earlier. He has a new paper that tries to quantify the amount of AI related stories in these public WhatsApp groups and finds that AI generated stuff is less than 1 percent of viral content. Not any content, but viral content. So, close to zero of the total amount of content that's out there.

What's more important is that he goes on to identify the kinds of stories that are being generated by using AI, and it's mostly inspirational messages, a lot of devotional stuff. Things, in many ways, that are not politically salient or important to things that we care about like voting or social cohesion. I find it hard to square the circle where everyone seems to be talking about AI, and a lot of academics don't really see the role as being that important in society.

Which gets to another point—we haven't really solved non-AI misinformation. So, maybe we should start there. A lot of misinformation comes from elites. It comes from campaign speeches. It comes from television. It comes from public spaces where we talk to each other. We don't need AI to have a lot of wrong information, and that previous problem hasn't been solved yet. Sometimes it's frustrating. This field of misinformation is moving at a very, very fast speed. But I do think the AI craze is an example of commentators from Western settings setting the agenda for what needs to be talked about in countries like the Global South, where we have problems that preceded AI that are still problems, if that makes sense.

Rohan: Going into this election in India, are there things that you'll be looking at and thinking about?

Sumitra: When we talk about misinformation generally, people talk about identity-based misinformation. So, "Trump is really amazing and here are some reasons why." Or "UNESCO voted Prime Minister Modi the best prime minister in the world. And here are some reasons why." I like to term this identity-based misinformation because it taps into your liking for a particular party or for a particular political leader. But there's another type of misinformation that gets swept under the rug because it's, in many ways, not as sexy, which we see often times on these WhatsApp groups. I’m speaking of misinformation related to development projects in India.

We know that India is a country where the system is very clientelistic, and people depend a lot on the government for goods and services provided to them, especially people outside of urban areas. So, knowledge about local development such as drainage issues, water, roads, electricity, and so on, has always been salient. But one thing that's new is that we're seeing credit-claiming in the form of misinformation about development projects. “Look at this bridge that was built in a village five villages away. That's really awesome. And that's the kind of development we'll give to you if you vote for us.” In reality, that bridge doesn't exist or is a photo taken from a bridge that's in a completely different state.

Obviously, the onus on citizens to verify that information is really high because they're not going to go and check out the bridge. In many ways, it feels like a more deadly form of misinformation as compared to “the Prime Minister is awesome” or “X politician is amazing.” The former can mobilize people who are already on that particular political side. But the latter, the development type misinformation, has the capacity to switch votes. And that's something we don't have much data on. So, that is something that a bunch of us are interested in looking at going forward, though studying it systematically is not going to be very easy.

Rohan: The final question that I usually like to ask, do you have recommendations for those interested in the subject?

Sumitra: I really recommend the report, not an academic paper, but a report for USAID that Robert Blair, Jessica Gottlieb, Laura Paler, and co-authors wrote that summarizes all of the misinformation interventions out there, close to 200 of them. It's super digestible because it's written for a policy audience and not just an academic one. And it does a very good job of laying out what we think we know and what we actually know, where there are gaps between solutions that we have optimism for, but no evidence for. They cite and describe every single intervention on India that's out there, so it’s comprehensive. They also provide a good key to understanding the differences between Global North and Global South contexts and how the same studies have relatively less or more success in these contexts.

Second, Neelanjan Sircar has a really good piece titled, “ Disinformation: A new type of state-sponsored violence .” It's always been pertinent, but it's perhaps more pertinent now than it ever has been as India's voting. It's a normative piece making a lot of theoretical arguments, but it's a really convincing and moving piece on misinformation in India.

Sumitra Badrinathan is an Assistant Professor of Political Science at American University.

Rohan Venkat is the Consulting Editor for India in Transition and a CASI Spring 2024 Visiting Fellow.

As millions of Indians set out to vote over April, May and June, India in Transition brings you CASI Election Conversations 2024, an interview series featuring renowned scholars reflecting on the factors and dimensions of politics, political economy, and democracy that will define India’s 2024 election. Earlier in the series, we featured Louise Tillin on federalism in India , Yamini Aiyar on the BJP’s “Techno-Patrimonial” welfare model , Rachel Brulé on the promises and pitfalls of gender quotas , Pavithra Suryanarayan on the BJP and “anti-redistributive” politics , and Francesca R. Jensenius on misconceptions about the Indian voter .

India in Transition ( IiT ) is published by the Center for the Advanced Study of India (CASI) of the University of Pennsylvania. All viewpoints, positions, and conclusions expressed in IiT are solely those of the author(s) and not specifically those of CASI.

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मृत्युदंड (Capital punishment) एक कानूनी दंड है जो न्यायालय द्वारा उस व्यक्ति को दिया जाता है जिसने कानून द्वारा निषिद्ध ऐसा कोई अपराध किया हो जिसके लिये इस कठोरतम ...
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Capital punishment in India
Capital punishment, also known as the death penalty, is the execution of a criminal who has been sentenced to death by a court of law for a serious felony. It is known as the most severe form of punishment. It serves as punishment for the most heinous, grievous, and abhorrent crimes against humanity.
Capital Punishment in India: Status, Arguments, and Way Forward
Arguments in Favour of Capital Punishment in India. Retribution: According to this theory, real justice requires people to suffer for their wrongdoing, and to suffer in a way appropriate for the crime. Death sentence is seen as just retribution for murderers, providing closure for victime's family and society. Utilitarianism: Utilitarian ...
Essay on "Capital Punishment in India
Capital punishment was awarded for petty crimes such as stealing as well as grave crimes such as murder, and there was also arbitrariness in the award of punishment. It was only in the 18th century, with the birth of Enlightenment in the Western context that thinkers like Montesquieu, Voltaire, Cesare Beccaria, and Jeremy Bentham spoke in ...
Capital Punishment In India Essay In Hindi
Capital Punishment In India Essay In Hindi; Sample Essay Examples. Research Dissertation Research Dissertation On ROLE OF ELECTION COMMISSION IN ENSURING FREE AND FAIR ELECTION AND DETERRENCE OF DISCRIMINATION ON THE BASIS OF CASTE AND RELIGION Submitted to: Amity Institute of Advanced Legal Studies (AIALS), Amity University Uttar Pradesh IN ...
Capital Punishment and Rape Culture
The following essay is written as part of Weekly Essay Challenge by Mr. Amudhan. Capital Punishment and Rape Culture. Amudhan. Rape is and never was solely about sex. Rape is an act of violence with the intent of domination of an individual. A discourse on rape or rape culture must recognize it as a constituent of a larger 'Culture of ...
Short Essay on "Capital Punishment" in Hindi
Short Essay on "Capital Punishment" in Hindi Short Essay on "Capital Punishment" in Hindi.
essay on capital punishment in hindi
Cesare Beccaria believes that torture is barbaric and cruel, and that it violates the principle that people must be proven guilty in the courts prior to punishment. Beccaria also does not believe in the use of capital punishment.... Advertisement Few people know when there are only a few minutes left in their lives. Those sitting on death row are fully aware of when they are going to die ...
English Essay on "Capital Punishment" English Essay-Paragraph-Speech
Capital Punishment. Essay No. 01. The death sentence looks cruel and absurd in this age of modern science, liberal thinking, knowledge, space, and technology.
SC's Reference on Capital Punishment
Section 354 (3) says that when there is death Punishment or imprisonment for life, the judgment will have to state the reason for why the sentence was awarded. If the sentence is death, "special reasons" will have to be provided in the judgment. In 1980, the Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of capital punishment in 'Bachan Singh ...
Capital Punishment Essay in Hindi
Short essay (Hindi) 10 Lines Essay in Hindi; Essay (English) Other Categories. Fact; Capital Punishment Essay in Hindi मृत्युदंड पर निबंध (Capital Punishment Essay in Hindi)
Capital Punishment Essay for Students in English: 250 and 350 Words
Capital Punishment Essay: Capital punishment refers to sentencing a criminal with the death penalty after due process of law. This form of punishment can be traced back to the ancient Greek of the 7th century BC, which operated under the 'Laws of Draco'. In addition to the Greeks, Romans also sanctioned citizens to the death penalty for ...
CASI Election Conversations 2024: Sumitra Badrinathan on the Need to
India in Transition (IiT), allows scholars from all over the world, the opportunity to exchange various analyses and innovative ideas about India's current status and growth. IiT presents brief, analytical perspectives on the ongoing transformations in contemporary India based on cutting-edge research in the areas of economy, environment, foreign policy and security, human capital, science and ...
Preventing Death Penalty
A capital punishment, also called the death penalty, is the execution of an offender sentenced to death after conviction by a court of law of a criminal offence. It is the highest penalty awardable to an accused. Capital punishment in India has been limited to the rarest of rare cases - like Section 121 (taking up arms against the state) and ...
Essay On Capital Punishment In Hindi
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